Politics of Look and Gaze

Look and Gaze

[Reserach on Look and Gaze by Kamal Raj Sigdel]

[This research was awarded Martin Chauthary Media Fellowship in 2006 and a full text of the report was published in the journal, Media Studies Vol. 1 (Nepali version). A copy of the journal can be found at Martin Chautary Library, Thapathali, Kathmandu. If you have any questions regarding the research, don't hesitate to contact the researcher (blogger) at kamal.sigdel@gmail.com ] [Copyright: Kamal Raj Sigdel]

Table of Contents (Look and Gaze)

Abstract (of the research)
Contents (Look and Gaze)
Introduction: Criticism on Nepalese
Politics of picture and ad aesthetics
The male gaze
Psychology of looking
Voyeurism and fetishism
Power of gaze
Television commercials and the gaze
Voyeuristic gaze and fetish substitution
Disciplining individuals
Constructing active and passive image
What is the focus: Body or product?
Monopoly of male audience
Possibility of Female Gaze
Ideological formations
Conclusion
Works Cited
Look and Gaze

This is an article I just cut pest

Politics of snow leopard by Abhi Subedi (Published in The Kathmandu Post)

Six mountaineers announced that they would hoist eight-party flags on top of Mt Everest in their historical Loktantra II expedition in April 2007. 'Snow leopard', the 60-year old Ang Rita Sherpa will be a member of the team. They will call this venture "Democratic Everest Expedition". I would like to call them 'snowmen' with respect and love.

Besides the eight-party flags, the snowmen will also hoist flags and probably put mementos there of the Amnesty International, different human rights organisations, Janaandolan II martyrs, the UN and other peace societies. That means the Madheshi Sadbhavana party's flag will be hoisted on Mt Everest by the Sherpas for the first time.

Symbolically, this will be a very important reversal of the Pahadi dominated perception of Nepali nationalism and deconstruction of Nepali state's mountain geographic logocentrism. The metaphor "horizontal comradeship" that Benedict Anderson uses for nationalism will be reflected in the vertical movement of the snowmen, mostly the great Sherpa explorers who are the most accommodative people in the world. Instead of putting forth slogans like the Everest region for the Sherpas only, the Sherpas have invited the flags and signifiers of diverse groups and nationalities to put on the Everest summit.

This news has drawn some flak. Apologists of the 'leave Mt Everest alone' say this is a politicisation of Mt Everest. But interestingly, this statement is 'always already deconstructed' because the name Everest itself has political genesis. Anyone little familiar with colonial history of this region must know that this highest peak of the world was named by Colonel Andrew Waugh after Colonel George Everest ignoring the happy note of discovery by an obscure chief Bengali computing officer Radhanath Sickdhar who wrote to him, "Sir, I have discovered the highest mountain in the world". A certain 'Brian Hodgson', who was a political officer of the Raj in India at that time objected to the naming. He advocated for the continuity of the native names that were used then.

Everest was considered the third pole. Since north and south poles were conquered by Robert Peary in 1909 and 1911 respectively, Everest remained to be conquered. And the British undertook the mission. Death of George Mallory and Andrew Irvine on June 8th, 1924, was the anticlimax of imperial 'noble desire'. Mallory's letter written to Rupert Thompson on 12 July 1921 speaks of the irony. He wrote, "I sometimes think of this expedition as a fraud from beginning to end, invented by the wild enthusiasm of one man, Young husband; … and imposed upon the youthful ardour of your humble servant....The prospect of ascent in any direction is almost nil, and our present job is to rub our noses against the impossible in such a way as to persuade mankind that some noble heroism has failed once again." Mallory later saw the absurdity of the political imaginary of the empire.

This dream culminated in the conquest of Everest by Edmund Hillary and Tenzing Norgay on 29 May 1953. The victory was dedicated to Queen Elizabeth on her coronation four days after on 2^nd June. Tenzing Norgay making a grand victory tour was photographed in London folding hands in namaste wearing watches on both wrists. Clash of Mallory's personal aspirations with those of the British Raj was the climax of the imperial dream. Since then climbing Everest never saw the irony resulting out of a clash between personal aspirations and statism. But one thing is certain. Climbing Everest has always represented covert political desires.

Scaling mountains, covering miles on the ground and crossing seas and rivers are the familiar tropes of the politics of colonialism. The Himalayas, especially Mt Everest, has drawn the attention of the British, Chinese, Nepalis, Indians and others. But it was the British who held on to the history of the peak metaphor and associated it with imperial nostalgia. Others shared their nostalgia with fun and textual indifference. In the imperial and nationalistic imaginary Everest became the signifier of an invincible and inaccessible altitude that should be explored, touched and walked upon. The three nation Japanese led crowded and visual media savvy expedition in 1988 turned it into a postmodernist mountain exercise.

The snowmen's humble expedition, though it appears like a postmodernist game of littering the highest mountain with festoons, is at heart a symbolic journey of a 'New' democratic Nepal. The snowmen's excitement is a very meaningful historical phenomenon. To rush up to the summit with flags by these snowmen is to deconstruct the grand Everest narration, the grande récit used by both the British Empire and the Nepali feudal history. This "Democratic Everest Expedition" will give a new meaning to the history.

The snowmen's projection of Everest metaphor at a time when all the other metaphors of Nepali "horizontal comradeship" are sustaining cut injuries like the broken finger of Prithwinarayan Shah's statue is a very important reminder of the Hamletian dilemma of to be or not to be or to keep or not to keep Nepal as an independent nation. I personally consider the snowmen's decision to take eight-party and other flags to the Everest summit now as a powerful call for a democratic restructuring of the "horizontal comradeship" of New Nepali state. (TKP, March 21, 2007)

INTERVIEW WITH OM GURUNG: 'We must keep our integrity intact'

Dr Om Gurung, who heads the Napal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NFIN), is an assistant professor of Central Department of Anthropology, Tribhuwan University. Dr Gurung holds PhD degree from Cornell University and loves to call himself a social activist, rather than assistant professor of TU. NFIN has begun to stage a peaceful protest since Saturday to exert pressure on the government for granting autonomy on the bases of language, ethnicity and geography. He says that this protest should not affect the holding of constituent assembly polls. Dr Gurung spoke with Puran P Bista of The Kathmandu Post, shedding light on how the state should be restructured and ethnic groups and subgroups be empowered in this country.

EXCERPTS:

Q: Why has your organization been fighting for ethnic rights when the interim parliament?

Dr Om Gurung: In the current political process, we have given priority to ethnic rights. The rationale is that in the last 238-year long history, the rights of the ethnic groups have been denied by the state. The state never tried to address the problems of the ethnic groups. For example, tribes such as Tharu, Magar, Gurung, Rai, etc are the indigenous people but their stakes in state administration, judiciary and armed forces, as per the population, have been minimum. They have been suppressed, oppressed and marginalized. The state has limited their growth because of the denial of the socio-economic and political rights. The state continues to exclude them from all kinds of state welfare schemes. The state benefits directly go into the pockets of those who are in power. And I think you know who are benefiting from such state-run programs.

The ethnic groups became poorer. Their languages have been pushed toward extinction. The indigenous groups have endured the state suppression for long. We can no longer tolerate such practices. We want our rights to be guaranteed in the constitution to be drafted after the constituent assembly polls. The first thing is, the state must acknowledge this fact and restructure it to ensure the rights of indigenous communities. To do so, we must have stakes in all the decision-making bodies. In other words, our representation must be granted on the basis of population.

And we have adopted a peaceful means to exert pressure on the government.

Q: Could you be more specific on your demands?

Dr Gurung: The reality is that the state has failed to accommodate us and recognize our languages, culture and tradition. This is very clear. So long as the current policy of exclusion or discrimination lasts, the indigenous communities will continue to suffer. We think that the three aspects should be taken into account before we restructure the state: Language, communities and geography. Distinct communities settled in particular geographical areas have distinct languages. The state should be restructured on these bases. The theoretical objective is to have provisions of self-determination. We have been claiming "along with the provision of self-determination", which means that an ethnic community does not enjoy the right to determine the fate of the area it dominates. There are differences between the "along with self-determination and the provision of self-determination".

Q: What are the differences between "the along with self-determination and self-determination".

Dr Durung: If we say the provision of self-determination, it can go to the extent of having a separate state. "Along with self-determination" means the autonomy granted to a unit that does not enjoy the right to be a separate state.

Q: Does your version of self-determination mean that any ethnic group enjoys no right to hold plebiscite on whether or not a unit can be part of Nepal?

Dr Gurung: "Along with self-determination" cannot be equated with the demand made by the Sri Lankan Tamils who have been fighting for a separate Tamil state. "Along with self-determination" means a separate geographical unit within the country. We have to take into account the country's integrity and social structure before restructuring it. We have stayed together for so long. Now, we cannot demand for a separate state. Secondly, if we look at the geo-political situation, it is very fragile. Our country has been wedged between two Asian giant countries—China and India. We have to learn from them and live together. If we demand separate states, there are chances of swallowing these states by either of these two Asian giants. So, we have to be careful and should not let the separatist groups have upper hands in deciding the fate of this country. We do need self-determination but not to the extent of granting the ethnic groups to opt for a separate state. It is impossible to think so both in theory and practice.

Q: But one of the demands made by Madhesi People's Rights Forum and Terai Janatrantric Mukti Morka is of provision for self-determination. Don't you think so?

Dr Gurung: We, too, have demanded self-determination. But it is absolutely different from that of MPRF or TJMM. We differ on this count with MPRF. MPRF wants a separate terai state stretching from Jhapa to Kanchanpur, where over a dozen ethnic communities are living. They speak different languages, practice different cultures and traditions. We never let terai be in the hands of a few feudal lords who want to rule the weak and poor.

A few groups want self-determination for a separate state. We have to grant autonomy on the basis of language, community and geography. It empowers every community and provides an opportunity to develop this country.

Q: That means the country does not need to be federalized. There are other political mechanisms as well, to empower the indigenous communities.

Dr Gurung: No, we are very much for federalism. The structure of the country should be federal.

Q: What kind of federalism you think will be suitable to this country? Do you see India as the best example?

Dr Gurung: Again, we define it on the basis of how we draw provisions for self-determination. We are not looking for a union sort of federalism as the Soviet Union had, nor a confederation. Grant autonomy to the unit and empower the local people. We need a loose and indivisible federal structure, where our sovereignty is kept intact.

Q: Don't you think that we got to look into the economic aspect as well, while federalizing this country? Is it possible to grant your kind of self- determination to 90 ethnic communities?

Dr Gurung: It should be based on ethnicity. The separate regions are dominated by separate ethnic communities. For example, Solukhumbu is dominated by Sherpas. If you visit Manang, you find Manages. In terai, Maithelis, Bhojpuris, Awadis, Tharus etc speak different languages. So, if it is possible to grant autonomy on the basis of language, then let us do so. But take for granted that it is not applicable to all parts of the country. Terai cannot be made a single unit citing Hindi as a binding language. We can grant autonomy to western and far-western regions on the basis of geography. Whether you call it Karnali Pradesh or Western Pradesh, we have to make it a separate unit on the basis of region rather than language. The rest can be split into different units on the basis of ethnicity. For example, Gandagi Pradesh is dominated by Gurungs, it should be made a separate unit. Similarly, let us have Magarat Pradesh for Magars.

Q: Economically, the curving of such Pradesh may not be possible as some of them, you just mentioned, lack adequate resource for sustaining themselves as separate units of this country.

Dr Gurung: Yes, we have to see into economic aspect as well. But how are you going to protect language, preserve culture and practice tradition? Many units could sustain and revenues generated by some of the units should be allocated to the weaker units.

Q: You have discussed on three aspects—language, ethnicity and geography. Granting autonomy or self-determination on these aspects may lead to ethnic cleansing as there would be several minorities living within each unit, and they may face the same sort of exclusion.

Dr Gurung: All forms of exploitation should not be based on ethnicity. Let us say that there are several subgroups within the group. The majority represents the unit but the minorities should also find space in decision-making bodies.

Q: How is it possible?

Dr Gurung: We have to make special arrangements for the subgroups to ensure that they find voice in all decision-making bodies.

Q: You mean introducing a reservation system as India has done so?

Dr Gurung: Yes, we can go for that. And let us not take only the backward and poor communities. Within the unit, there could be other communities as well, provided they fall in the category of minority groups. So, there is no question of ethnic cleansing. We must accommodate all the communities into the unit to address common problems. We cannot deny the basic rights and displace them simply because they happen to be subgroups living in a particular region.

Q: Such ethnic cleansing may not take place in Limbuwan, Khumbuwan or Gandak region. Can you rule out such possibility in other parts of the country?

Dr Gurung: I have a special reservation. I call it an ethnic violence. We have to dissociate from such ethnic division and those who promote violence. What is happening in terai is dangerous. It is gradually taking a shape of ethnic violence whatsoever the leaders of terai claim it.

Q: Why do you support MPRF then?

Dr Gurung: We have supported on certain issues only. The state exploited the Madhesi community. It suppressed the rights of the Madhesis for long. We support the organization that is genuinely fighting for the political rights. We have been unable to reach an understanding with MPRF because of this reason. First, MPRF talks of federal structure but on the basis of geography only. They want to have three federal units—terai, hills and mountains. How can the entire terai be a single unit only? At the most, they can compromise on a vertical division of the country into 14 zones and 54 districts only. We do not agree with such political agenda. Don't take that only Madhesis are in terai. Second, our interpretation of Madhes is different from that of Madhesis. We want to know where Madhes is. We indigenous communities think that Madhesis are there in this country but there is no land called Madhes in Nepal. These Madhesis have come from Madhyadesh. It is a place between India's Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. So, we call them Madhesis. The rulers of this country brought them into Nepal. Now they are demanding a separate Madhes.

The third thing is that the Madhesis want the entire terai to be a separate state. There are several ethnic communities living in terai. MPRF must acknowledge this fact and seek our cooperation. Otherwise, we are not going to back the movement, no matter what they claim and demand.

MPRF talks of proportional representation of total terai. We have told them that proportional representation should be based on the population of ethnic communities. The intention of MPRF is to deny the rights of Tharus, Rajbansi, Shanthal and other minority groups living in terai. It will be dominated by Yadavs, Jhas, Shahs, Mishras, etc who have been wielding power. (TKP, March 19, 2007)

Perfect match

Dr Ujjwal Bikram Khadka

I have always wondered and never quite understood the mystery that makes a relationship between a man and a woman work. Man has always wandered in pursuit of happiness not knowing whom to and where to turn to, only driven by a deep aching need of fulfillment.

How many times have we seen that two people after getting married remember the day when they first met and discover that they had exactly the same feelings towards each other. Moreover, many couples after getting married realize that they are similar on various grounds, same kinds of tastes in food, music, actors, similar attitudes and behaviors towards everyday ordeals of life. However, one cannot guarantee marital success or success in relationships on mere sharing of certain views alone.

Well, I think, the deepest void can only be filled by knowing your true self. In this era, when worldly accomplishments and instant gratification are sole motto, man has lost touch with himself. I am not going to make some foolish statements like "you are enough alone", but I think the deepest longing is for God himself. As somebody rightly said Man is a journey from animal to God, the supreme consciousness, we are stuck in the middle and hence discontented.

You are wounded because you are separated from yourself, your true self, your inner being. Spend few moments each day in silence, meditating and simply being , not repenting the past or groping in future. It will heal you immensely. You will also realize that you are already fulfilled, you don't need to wander; you only need to realize or perhaps remember. This is not an intellectual concept. You cannot rationalize. As poet Rumi rightly said, "Love is the sea where intellect drowns". You needn't calculate in love as a modern mind is conditioned to. You simply allow utter serenity to permeate your being. You are all that you need to be this very moment. What would you trade your eyes, ears, senses, ability to appreciate beauty, individuality and freedom to choose, the very essence of being a human for? You simply aren't attentive enough; you need to attune yourself to nature. You simply forgot how to live.

After healing your deepest wounds you are truly fulfilled .Now you are ready to share. So the very idea of trying to change the other is wrong. Everything appears random on the surface but, remember: at a deeper level everything is organized.

Now that you have changed yourself, you can see your beloved as a mirror of your higher self. Now you can surrender to love. Devote each day to achieving true union and healing the wounds of separation. It doesn't matter in how many ways you differ from your partner, you have found your perfect match.

You can rejoice in ecstasy, in love, in holding hands, in seeing each other, in little caresses and courtesies; you'll be fulfilling your deepest desires; you'll be loving and serving God himself. (TKP, March 18, 2007)

Can women unite under diversity?

By PRATIVA SUBEDI

Bell Hooks, a famous feminist says, "Women do not need to eradicate difference to feel solidarity. We do not need to share common oppression to fight equally to end oppression… We can be sisters united by shared interests and beliefs, united in our appreciation for diversity, united in our struggle to end sexist oppression, united in political solidarity."

When we talk of women's unity, we speak of a diverse population of women--rich, poor, middle class and different ethnic groups of women. 

But women's issues are interconnected wherever they are. Yes, there are many factors that separate women -- religion, caste, class, patriarchal values, political ideology, etc. Those involved in the women's movement need to recognize the factors that separate them. Unless we develop sisterhoods within these diversities, women's unity will not be strong.

Undeniably, there are some weaknesses and divisions in the women's movement, but we need to appreciate women's efforts within different organizations. We need to interact and reach a consensus to move ahead. Our strategies should be to create a powerful woman's group by mobilizing women of both the cities and the villages. 

In our country, women are the backbone of our subsistence economy and contributing a lot to the social and political movement. After the restoration of democracy in 1990, women have been organized in different forms, especially in the rural areas. 

However, there is a lack of intermediary organization to bring them together for their cause. A lot of programs are taking place at the grassroots level, but there is a big gap between the government, donors and these programs. The main issue we need to focus on is to tie up these different groups involved in socio-economic activities, which are taking the shape of a campaign. 

The problem is that the majority of the programs are project-oriented and finished within a short period of time. The local groups are not prepared to take over all of the activities left by the projects. Because of this trend and political instability, development activities have become slow. The main focus of the development activities should be directed toward bringing equality, poverty alleviation and employment generation together with incorporating education training and reform in the law. Programs and Projects should enable women to come together to strengthen women's movement. Both government and non-government organizations should help increase the involvement of women in social, economic, and political fields.

Women's participation in politics and decision-making can be ensured through women's capacity-building and self-reliant programs. Otherwise, their representation will be only symbolic. For example, in our country women are coming together under savings and credit groups, cooperatives, consumer groups and community forestry program. They are doing well and respected in their respective communities. This is an important accomplishment in women's movement in Nepal.

Though we are trying to come together even during International Woman's Day, we have been unable to come together and organize one procession to show women's unity on women's issues. In this situation, women associated with political parties think that they are superior to the women who run social organizations. The women, who run social organizations, think that they are above the women politicians. All of us are showing our strength in our own way.  Some of us think that we are for liberal women. Some of us think that we are for radical women, and some are for trade unions. Because of this, we have organized different processions on women's day.

The main slogan raised on Woman's Day is always about woman's unity, but this action has showed disunity. We need to organize different programs according to our own target groups, but we must have one single procession on that day if we really want to be united. We all need to unite to organize women being above politics.

Now, there are many women's organizations affiliated with different political parties and many autonomous social organizations are working. What we are lacking clearly is that we are focusing on the symptoms of the problem rather than addressing the root-cause of the problems. These days it seems caste has been more important to put our own agenda in the decision-making process after the terai movement. Politics based on caste will further bring fragmentations among us. At the grassroots level, women's programs have been able to erase lines between class and caste, and create equality.

In a global scenario too, women from universities, political parties and different organizations are trying to work together. All over the world, women want to have their own identity, freedom of expression and equality, whether they belong to a rich or poor family or country. Women of developed countries are also disadvantaged workers in comparison to the men of their world. In the global woman's movement, professional women teachers and political women are joining hands to come ahead. 

According to philosopher, Aristotle, friendship is defined in three categories. The first is according to occupation or job relation. The second is according to socialization, or coming together because they enjoy each other's company. The third, and most important, is the sharing of the same values, morals, and issues. The third way is important for success and unity. Senior feminists have been suggesting to get united to achieve success in women's campaign. Feminists believe in developing sisterhood whether one belongs to different ethnic group, rich, middle class, or poor family.

(The writer is the founder president of Nari Chetna Kendra Nepal) (TKP, March 8, 2007)

Growing US concern

By Narayan Prasad Wagle

Nepal is the neighbor of the United States at the other side of the globe", Ronald Regan, the then President of USA, had remarked while receiving the late King Birendra at the White House.

This statement clearly speaks of the geographical distance between the two counties and the psychological proximity thereto -- a profound sense of friendship and goodwill -- that has bridged the distance.

In the diplomatic history of Nepal, the United States has become the second important country after they established diplomatic relations in 1947. Prior to this, Nepal had diplomatic relations only with the United Kingdom. Despite a striking asymmetry in power, geographical size and economy, they have been able to develop a model relationship in the last six decades.

However, the relations between Nepal and the United States have been politically overcharged since late 1990s, when the Maoist insurgency flared up shaking the whole nation. The Nepal-US relations, which moved on an even keel during the first five decades, have drawn flak not only from the Maoists but from other intellectuals who see the growing US concerns as interference in our domestic political affairs.

The motive behind the growing concerns, they claim, is strategic and ulterior. As Nepal is located between the two Asian economic giants -- India and China, the US intends to manipulate the Asian power politics by establishing a puppet government under its control in Nepal.

At a time when the image of American foreign policy is tarnished in the whole world, particularly because of the Iraq war, the common perceptions of American foreign policy in Nepal too are not positive. Some argue that the US arms support during the heyday of the Maoist insurgency merely intensified violence and killings of innocent people.

The support made the government totally rely on arms security tactics unwilling to seek peaceful settlements of disputes. The 12-point pact between the seven party alliance and the Maoists, which led to the popular uprising burning to ashes the king's desire of dictatorship, drew sharp criticisms from the Bush administration.

On the eve of April uprising, the American ambassador to Nepal, James F Moriarty called on the SPA to break the pact with the Maoists and reconcile with the monarch contrary to the spirit of the people. Moriarty's visits of army camps and frequent speeches about domestic political affairs do not conform to diplomatic norms and etiquette, and principles of Vienna Conventions on diplomatic relations. The arm deal between the government and the Maoists was unreasonably

delayed, partly due to the threat of suspension of aids by America if the conditions put forward by it are ignored.

Of late, the recurrent meetings of the ambassador with the prime minister are believed to have stalled the peace process, not allowing in one pretext or the other the formation of the interim government, including the Maoists -- pre-condition for holding constituent assembly elections. The visit of US Under Secretary of State for Management Henrietta H Fore seems to have further strengthened the official position of its mission in Nepal. All these developments have naturally generated suspicions in various quarters about its growing concerns in Nepal.

Nonetheless, the accusation that the US has strategic interests in Nepal and that it wants to form a puppet government under its control is some sort of exaggeration.

The US struggled during the entire period of Cold War for the cause of human rights, democracy and liberal economy -- the ideals that came triumphant at the end. So, the US is in no mood to compromise with something less than these ideals.

In case of Nepal, the US policy is guided by the same ideals and sense of goodwill and friendship. It has always extended the support for democracy and democratic movements in Nepal. The US economic support that began with the point four program in 1951 has given shapes and directions to the sustainable economic and social development Therefore, the US interest in Nepal is primarily ideological rather than strategic.  The apparent clash between the US ideals and the Maoists ideology is the root cause of the growing US involvement in Nepali politics, which was also deliberately invited by the previous governments of Nepal to suppress the Maoists when they dubbed them terrorists. It seems that the US interferences will persist until the Maoists remain a major political force and do not give up their ultimate goal of establishing the totalitarian communist regime, and until they renounce violence once and for all.

The propaganda politics of the Maoists is not going to work. The Maoist propaganda that the palace is plotting to kill top US officials may boomerang upon the Maoists themselves once they fail to provide reliable information. Moreover, the US interference also depends on the roles of political parties, including the Nepali Congress, which seems to remain the most trustworthy democrats in the eye of Americans once the monarchy is done away with. And most importantly, the US and other foreign intrusions in domestic affairs will surely increase if the major political forces fail to put their house in order.

Foreign interventions have not been good to foster nationalism, national unity and nation-building in any part of the world. Both radicals, who ignore international relations and puppet governments who ignore sentiments of people, are found to have collapsed or weakened giving torments to their people.

The weak Somali puppet government backed by Ethiopian troops and the failure of radical Hamas government are good examples of how lack of international support or neglect of spirit of people while preferring excessive dependency on foreign powers destabilizes the whole nation.

In the past, the politicization of foreign affairs has cost dear for Nepal even bringing splits within parties as seen in the case of Mahakali Treaty. So, the SPA government and the Maoists should come together to form a realistic foreign policy approach immediately stopping making propaganda of foreign affairs against each other. Then there will be much to gain from the lofty ideals of American policy. (TKP, March 15, 2007)

How do feminists look?

By AGYA  POUDYAL

March 8. Women's Day. A common question is: "Are you a feminist?"

Well, feminism, the new F-word is something that you arguably don't want to associate yourself with. "I am not a feminist but I believe equality can come if..." is the safest way of saying that you are a feminist but you just don't have guts to admit that you are one. For many, being a feminist is an embarrassment.

Why? Mainly because even among the most 'aware' lots, feminists are wrongly interpreted as people who believe in extreme, humorless, anti-men, anti- motherhood and pro-abortion notions.

Considering an article by Avash Karmacharya that appeared on The Kathmandu Post on March 7, we know where women stand in their professional life in Nepal. While Biraj Thapa, an actor, made Rs 300,000 per film actress Richa Ghimire was satisfied with mere Rs 75,000. As far as acting is concerned the latter seems to have more experience and refinement in the profession.

The circumstances aren't any different in most developed countries either. While most men devote all their time and energy at offices to climb the ladder of successes in business or services, women handle both homes and offices. Thus ceteris paribus, considering the amount of energy they divide between home and work, women should get priority when it comes to promotion or pay.

The whole idea of stating this is that feminists advocate equity, for they know that men and women are different and can never be 'equal' unless both of them produce the same hormones in equal amounts. Each has varied psychological needs and priorities. True flexibility must be maintained accordingly with equity in mind.

Secondly, feminism advocates that women must be able to question and challenge in response to physical abuses and violence against women.

Feminism in real sense gives women power to decide on whether they want to keep their father's name or would prefer keeping it after her husband. Some women believe the real substance is in the inner identity rather than in a name. And feminism lets them do just that.

Thus feminists aren't people who blindly ask for parental property or power to knock off their husband. They aren't just the people who stand up in a crowded bus so that a lady can sit. Feminists are also men who only stand up in a crowded bus if they think that the woman in front of them isn't strong enough to make the journey standing. Feminists are also women who are bold enough to say that she doesn't need sympathy and is able to stand up by herself.

Feminism is being practical and just. Feminism is being with your husband for no other reason other than love. Feminism is respecting motherhood. It is being who you are. So would you want to be a feminist now? There is no reason why you shouldn't. (TKP, March 10, 2007)

Kamal Raj Sigdel, "Kamal Raj Sigdel", Kamal, Raj, Sigdel, Nepal

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Women's day?

By RONIKA KOIRALA

I and my friend were on the way to our college. We saw some lads ragging a schoolgirl. She looked so perturbed but the guys were still taunting her. They were shouting, 'I love you' at the girl. How might a girl feel when teased by the boys in such an offending manner on the road? It's really an embarrassing moment. All of a sudden, I remembered that we were celebrating Women's Day this week.

I like to recall another unpleasant incident too. A man in our neighborhood used to beat his old mother. One evening, we had just finished the dinner. We heard some bizarre sound of crying. When we rushed out, we saw that the same man was pounding his mother so harshly that none of us could tolerate to see that. Some people went to thwart him but he just started jumping on them. So, nobody could do anything. The woman lost her eyesight a week after the incident, and died a few months later. This sounds like a fantasy but it's a true occurrence.

Both of these cases are widely prevalent in our society. Apart from this, there are a lot of cases that go to prove that people under-value women in our society. They are forced to give birth to many daughters in the expectation of a boy. Girls are sent to government schools while boys attend private.

The basic reason of the women to be diffident in the society is their enslavement by men either for expenditure, sanctuary or anything else. It is a universal truth that the strong dominate the weak -- be it men dominating women or women dominating women. It is a fact that women are in general physically and socially weaker than men in one way or other. If a bad guy rags or taunts a woman anywhere she can hardly endeavor to smack her tormentor in most cases, although there may be exceptions.

The obsession at this moment is not to involve women in a brawl against the people harassing them because the same conditions might emerge in the next place yet again. So, there must be the coherent constraint that prohibits people to do that surreptitiously or publicly. The need to solve domestic violence is more crucial than women's entry to the parliament. The 33 percent reservation of seats for women passed in the parliament does not shore up a woman who faces fisticuffs of her spouse daily. In this milieu, income is the most imperative facet that has permitted the men to rule women. What I consider is, unless and until the women of every dwelling are sovereign in earning, the conflicts of women rights never end. Even our culture stands against women in numerous cases. For instance, dowry system should be abolished in the society. Giving of daughter alone does not suffice; so they are accompanied by other tangible properties. Is it so? For this the bride's family must be strong enough to rebuff for the dowry.

Such insignificant issues remain in the society, which hinder the women from being equal in the society. Such problems linger in the society and decide a woman's fate. These are not the matters that are unknown to anyone albeit there is nothing special done to eradicate domestic violence. The authorities concerned must try to make women aware of their plight. The violence exists in villages as well as urban places. The bitter truth is, we have yet to make sincere effort to grapple with the situation. (TKP, March 9, 2007)

Thamel mess

By RAJIB RAJ ACHARYA

Few months back, when the winter started unleashing its fury a defensive mechanism to fight the cold days and nights of the season was obligatory. I didn't want to be caught in the battle of shivering and cluttering noise of my teeth. I was desperately looking for a new pullover. The last one I had was almost tattered. A comrade of mine advised me to go to Thamel.

Next day, I hit Thamel so that I might have a pullover to protect myself from the frosty cold of Kathmandu. But the cost of pullovers had skyrocketed and beyond my reach. At a shop, my eyes caught one nice pullover on display outside. Wasting no time further and hoping to receive a little bit concession so that I could afford it I selected it. Instead, the seller sold it to a foreigner (who happened to enter the shop) at more than the actual price I was asked for. I was flabbergasted. The poor foreigner did not have the faintest idea that the price he paid was hefty. It was not his fault as well, for price tagging was not in practice there. The objective behind this was nothing but to charge whatever price they wanted from the foreigners mainly because they lack bargaining attitude.

That day, I couldn't find one for myself and that did not matter to me the most except the way I got sidelined and disrespected. Thamel was totally different than what I had thought before--a shopping paradise. The more I delved in the depth, the more I got embarrassed.

All sorts of illegal activities were in swing there. Be it prostitution (massage center), black marketing, gambling and drug dealing…etc. Local gangsters appeared bullying around and busy in fund-raising from foreigners by force. When they failed in their objective, they used abusive words against them. Beggars and street boys played their part to fulfill the gap. They appeared in looting and stealing etc. Foreigners were harassed in every single step they moved forward, by these freaks.

Law and order in that place was noting but a joke. I did not see any one maintaining law and trying to stop what was going on. Local authorities were enjoying a dreamless siesta.

People from all over the world come to visit Nepal to see its natural beauty and other well-known tourist spots and most of them stay in Thamel, for it is a very popular place amongst them. They see their kinds of people all around the place and feel that it is like their native land. What they carry back to their countries is the experience of the way they were treated and respected.

It is nothing but hypocrisy that we chant "Atithi devo bhava" throughout the year and do noting to stop such illegal and irrational activities in one of the most known tourist spot in the city. (TKP, March 12, 2007)

Teenage problems

By SUVECHCHHA POUDEL

For hours she whispers on the telephone to someone who she claims is " just a friend". She is absentminded and you can often see her staring into space with a contented smile upon her face. She is in the throes of her first crush!

To have the capacity to feel a crush for someone is the first greatest discovery of being an adolescent. That is the time when teenagers' room is filled with posters of handsome and beautiful stars.

The beginning of a crush is often marked by a total enslaving of the " fan" towards a very distant object of adoration which is not reality but more of a dream.  nybody who does not have a crush on any movie star or rock star during her adolescence can possibly have a stunted psychological and emotional growth, say psychologists. This crush can be even toward someone seen fleetingly and never ever seen again. But that person seems to be the epitome of everything that is perfect in every way! It can also be a college mate whom a teenager does not dare to approach because he or she is so unattainable.

It is noticed that children who do not go through this stage of crushes during any stage of their childhood or adolescence grow up to be antisocial and emotionally underdeveloped. This is due to the fact that they do not want to allow themselves to get attached to someone, even if he or she is someone totally unattainable. So when they have to start relationships with " real life" people, they find it difficult to communicate and open up in a normal way.

It is usually at the age of 15 or 16 years that a teenager decides to do something about the newly found emotions and dream of love for someone other than his parents and family. It is this love which will allow her to move away from the secure cocoon for family life and affection while being assured of a reassuring transition to adulthood.

The idea of a boyfriend or a girlfriend has never been part of the Oriental tradition, but as life expectancy in the medieval ages was very low, child marriages were the norm. However, thanks to the superimposition of Western culture and beliefs on us through books and the cable TV, it is not unusual to see parents of schoolchildren teasing them about their boyfriends and girlfriends.

At this age, which is romantic beyond comparison, girls normally dream of love at first sight or a romantic strike of lightning. It is usually someone older whom they believe is the love of their life. Making a mockery of her emotions is going to make your teenager rebel with the age-old cry of, 'you don't understand me! What do parents know about love?"

In searching for the love of her life, an adolescent passes through the stage of being enamoured by many specimens! You can call first loves, firework - intense and burning red-hot but without any substance.

Everybody knows that being a parent is not easy, especially when your girl is entering teenage. The teenage years are the age when a teenage girl gets in touch with her emotions. A parent should nurture the child with care without negating her feeling. If not, they will always regret the fact that their child does not trust them anymore. (TKP, March 13, 2007)

Street children

By SHREEYA SHAKYA

Time: around 9 am. Day: Sunday. Place: Jamal. Description: Perpetual commotion with honking micro vans, bickering conductors, utterly annoyingly patient drivers and feebly strained impatient passengers like us, throwing frequent glances over our watch, hoping against hope when the driver would jam his foot on the accelerator pedal, and few irascible ones hollering at the drivers. Surely enough amidst the hustle and bustle, popping out here and there, are the inevitable street children.

When you are helplessly relying on the other person to get you some place on time, the least thing you want is being beleaguered by one of those imploring, insistent street children. When already driven to the point of insanity waiting for the vehicle to start, with the irksome street children falling all over one's foot, the sole thought that reverberates within my head is "hey… shoo… shoo… now don't you even dare touch my foot. I don't exist for you and you don't exist for me. Get away from here".

The other day, I was confronted with such a situation. I tried to avoid any interaction with one of such street children, pulling back my leg below the seat as far as possible.  I was secretly elated that I was sitting next to the window where the kid couldn't reach my foot. However a lady, seated beside me, wasn't quite thinking the same line of thought as I was.

To the kid's infinite pleas for a rupee, she responded, 'Look kid, don't beg when you can work with the two hands you have. I shall give you 10 rupees if you come with me to work at my home.' Most of us have often applied the same trick and the kids run away on that remark. She must've presumed the kid would throw up a wry smile and vanish! To my surprise and I guess to hers as well, the kid nodded affirmatively and sat obediently on the front seat for almost 5 minutes. Eventually the conductor dragged him out and the van left.

Had she really meant what she'd said, she could've stopped the conductor. But then again, we are just everyday people; we are not Mother Teresas, are we? We've got our own woes and problems to solve. Instead of putting up a pretense, I could have given the boy a rupee. Though it's against my principles to give money to such street children since it only encourages them to beg further, I find it hard myself to reconcile the ambivalent thoughts of altruism and rationality. In those times I often recall one of my highly socially inclined teachers telling us, "I play my part by giving those kids money, and it's up to them to make a wise use of it…." But who is going to tell them to be wise, when they are sniffing away dendrite? Do they even see the line separating wrong and right, when rummaging through the garbage? With the emergence of a 'new' Nepal, one can only wish the street children's plight were well addressed. (TKP, March 13, 2007)

Woman at woman's eyes

By SILA DHAKAL

Let me start from a miniscule anecdote connected to my elder sister who was undergoing delivery process recently at Thapathali maternity home. As an attendant, I nursed her during the whole night without having a chance to blink my eyes. There was no possibility even to doze because each pregnant woman lying on the beds of the big ward was crying and yelling in pain at the top of her voice. I was turned almost cruel and inhuman. It seemed as if I was experiencing the delivery pain before getting married. Their shouting in pain was causing my heart to crush and also causing my lower stomach to feel discomforted.

Meanwhile, I happened to undergo the stream of consciousness with the conflict of ideas in my mind. First, I loathed myself for being a woman who has to bear a baby for nine months in her womb and deliver the child after suffering utmost pain. She may also die in the process whereas a male has nothing else to do after making the woman pregnant. Nor do they feel any pain. Why did god curse us and for which crime?

The pain the females suffer is beyond our expectation and imagination - simply inexpressible and unthinkable. A mother survives simply with the bliss of becoming a mother. Do the males know it? Ouch! That hurts! Then, I thought of women's immense power and courage, which only she possesses. I exalted myself that woman was a fertile and creative creature biologically.

 As my sister was taken to the delivery room at her final stage of labor pain, I came out of the patents' ward and heaved a sigh of relief. After my half an hour's wait, my sister came with a baby. I was cheered up but my sister's visage was very sad and somber.

When my sister was asked 'son or daughter?' she was reluctant to answer. She said Chhori (daughter) with the expression of disenchantment. It was evident she was expecting a son.

However, she gradually accepted the child positively and happily after her well-wishers praised the beauty of the newly-born baby. This story unravels an important theme to discuss about the female psyche.

Why couldn't my sister easily accept the baby as she knew the baby was daughter though she is a well-informed woman living in the twenty-first century? Why could not she feel a sense of excitement to be the mother after she knew the sex of the baby?  Where did the pain and love vanish?

 Is the daughter not worthy of our love? Are there not women who have ruled the nation and did their country proud through their contribution? Are the people like Pasang Lahamu Sherpa, Laura Bush, Mother Teresa and the like not women? Does the creation exist in the absence of women?

The answers to these questions should undoubtedly enable women to feel proud of being women with extraordinary role and capacity in this world. (TKP, March 15, 2007)

Whimsical or load-shedding!

By PRAGYA KARKI

When you have office, you earnestly desire for a break and have a list of things-to-do. When you get a break you end up being so sluggish! I woke up, freshened myself then went though dailies to make me updated on what is happening in our world.

I had long thought about straightening my hair but I was not at all sincere and serious about this. Consequently, I had not been able to grant my valuable time for it. I reached my nearest salon, and as I had prayed for, there were no other girls because I would like to have the hairdresser's full attention in me! The work of hair straightening is neither short nor sweet as your hairs are literally pulled from its roots. One can well imagine how excruciating it will be. It takes almost four to five hours depending upon the length and quality of the hair. 

Before I sat in front of a huge mirror, the hairdresser started talking to herself; she was remembering days that had a load shedding. It was for two consecutive days her area had power cut at 5.30 in the evening so there was no possibility of power cut at 5.30 on this particular day. As per her, the time is supposed to be 10 at night, so we started with our work. I was feeling all nice to have my hairs treated with all sorts of crème, washed and then blow dried. 

Then came the part of pulling my hairs from their roots by a heated ironing rod, I was incessantly telling the lady to do it lightly. We even joked saying how gratifying it would be to perform this task on a person you detest! My pulled hairs started looking so straight, the pain was worth it. But lo! All of a sudden it was so dark inside the salon. Well, no awards for guessing,

NEA did not want me to look pretty with straight silky hairstyle like that of Jennifer Aniston! Our calculation went wrong and there was this power cut, at 5.30 sharp. You can well imagine mine as well as my service provider's plight. She was saying there were two other girls who had a similar fate like mine some few days before.

She was so annoyed, as her work was time and again being disrupted by this unmanaged so called load management imposed by the electricity authority of a country which has 83,000 MW of hydropower potential! I even suggested her

to have a rechargeable straightening rod, but the countries that manufacture these products don't have to suffer from power cut and why would they care for a country like ours where the market is too small! Well what next, I visited the salon next day as well to do the remaining. For me, it was like hair straightening done in an installment! I could not figure out whether I was whimsical or the load shedding! (TKP, March 16, 2007)

Empowering women

By Nikita Nepal

Social system apart, the attitude of parents towards bringing up their children basically moulds the next generation. Of late, a positive trend has emerged where parents' support is not only limited to providing education and economic support but also to prepare them to lead a balanced life. Unmoved by the age-old practices of neglecting their daughter in preference to sons, the new age moms and dads are using their resources and as a result, there are women who have not only competed against men but also outsmarted them in various fields.

But still this success story is limited to very few as we are caught between traditional value and spread of modernism. The result is many women are caught in webs of wife-beating, uncaring husbands, dowry harassments, depression etc, and it becomes difficult to decide "whom to blame." Why are parents in haste to get rid of their daughters in the name of marriage? Once daughters get married, parents shrug off their responsibility as marriage is supposed to be an end in itself and not a means to sustain life.

Regrettably, this happens even in our capital city itself where there is certain degree of freedom for women to pursue their career and life-style as they want. But only some of them get the requisite support to do so, while the rest have to follow the choice of their guardians or face stiff opposition.

For policy-makers, women's rights have been a subject of concern. In contemporary society, the role of women has changed drastically. The typical housewives who cater to all the household requirements, including rearing and upbringing of children in various sub-roles of wife, daughter-in-law, mother, mother-in-law, etc have played a significant role. But a change in socio-economic and cultural aspects has begun to show a deep impact on the society. This has further added responsibilities and widened the role of women, who also share financial burden. The Kathamandu woman's case cannot be seen in isolation. Other members of the extended family do not support women in their endeavor to work as responsible women. There are instances in which an unemployed husband, instead of helping her and making sure that family runs smoothly, turns out to be alcoholic and her mother-in-law tortures her for dowry.

The incidents of wife battering and harassment for dowry are common. But in most cases, things are sorted out by the pressure groups that include parents from both sides. With a few compromises and patch-ups, the couples decide to lead their life amicably, and in course of time, the situation turns out to be normal.

There is little doubt that Nepali women have come of age, thanks to changing socio-economic dynamics. The fact that the number of employed and self-employed women is increasing is a testimony to the fact that they have taken a big stride. However, they have still to go far to achieve a respectable social status. For this to happen, a long-drawn strategy is needed. After all, women's empowerment does not occur easily or overnight. (TKP, March 17, 2007)

Naturally Nepal

By Hitesh Karki

It goes without saying that it sounds all too clichéd to harp about endless power cuts. But no, it did not sound that way. There's no electricity for 6 hrs a day and to compound the problem I am just back from standing in a line to get some fuel, I was sure she would not understand petrol, for almost an hour and did not manage to get even a gallon for my vehicle, I was sure she would not understand liters either. 'Amazing! Isn't that great?'

This happens to be the reaction when I had narrated the current state of affairs of mine to a colleague far off in the eastern coast of the US. It appeared as if she could not control her excitement when she instantly reacted by saying 'I am sure it must feel nice to have all your dinners under the candle light. You lucky guy!'

I just didn't feel like saying anything more. I had already described the hills and mountains; had even presented her with Everest postcards and posters, and exaggerated a bit as to how I brush my teeth every morning staring at the tallest mountain ranges of the world. And you know when someone genuinely thinks, like the way she was doing, that it's all too amazing you don't feel like pulling the strings any further. I then realized what more adjectives she would have come up with had I mentioned that there was no cooking gas either. And when I heard her say how much she would love to come to visit my place all the way from the other corner of the world, my imaginations, quite naturally, began to run wild.

I then remembered going to Harvard Square just in front of the gates of the great Harvard University, where getting a parking space is not only a rarity but almost impossible if the day happens to coincide with a holiday. She had got into this parking space and just about when she was to do this parallel thing in the parking, a bunch of men, she said they were the guys from MIT even though there was nothing I could find in their appearance to suggest so, screeched in and tried parking their BMW while she was preparing to park her own Toyota 1999.

Jumping out of the car, she just marched or should I say barged ahead to the driver and gave him her piece of mind. The guys or men, albeit with complete reluctance, obliged. The parking space eventually welcomed the Toyota. Now that she had said she would love to visit my place, I just failed to comprehend a scene of taking her around the tour of the city and its traffic. The little tiny vehicles, of course by her American standards, and stopping anywhere they want, the bikers zooming past from either side of you, I knew she would definitely go crazy. What I do not know is, to what extent! And then the thought of taking her around the tour of the country got into me, leaving me absolutely disturbed.

You name anything that moves and you will find them taking a stroll in the highway or some even treating as if it were their playground. And god forbid if we were to brush anything during the course of the drive, in a flash of second we would not only have to ready ourselves to sign a check, the minimum I believe is somewhere around one million according to current 'market compensation rates', but also bring the life line of the entire nation into a complete standstill. Boy, she sure would feel all too powerful!

Even if the 'dust' of garbage has now settled you never know when the issue will resurface again, YCL or no YCL! The thought of taking her across the heritage sites standing along side heaps of garbage and both of our eyes falling over the poster in nearby shop with the word Shangri-La' printed in bold, I am not sure how would she react but the thing I know for sure is expression on my face will be nothing less than a 'Kodak moment', the one worth having a look at.

And on Chitwan safari I could take her to the headquarters of the reserve and show her what weapons are being used to poach the rhinos rather than showing the one horned beasts themselves. That could be quite a fun. If at all she gets amused by the easy availability of the arms and ammunition, I am sure my answer would take a swim in any of the rivers of this filthy water rich nation of ours and, fish or no fish, at least a .303 is guaranteed. All I hope is, at the end of her sojourn she manages to get and grasp a different perspective to Tourism Board's advert, Naturally Nepal. (The Kathmandu Post, March 18, 2007)

Normal politics

By Arun Gupto

Normalcy is not always the need of the time.  For instance, if times are tense, agitated, confusing, and transitional, normal political behavior like take your time attitude does not help.  Customary attitudes can have dangerous consequences during crisis times.  Nepali political leaders handle times as if they are sitting in a drawing room comfort zones.  Let me clarify the situation with examples from the artists and their actions, especially from the Western abstract art.

When one talks about proportions in art, one thinks about ideal, natural, hierarchic, distorted ones in regard to the representations of the world in art.  Concerning distorted representations like we see in the abstract art forms, a student once commented about the uselessness of such art forms because they do not reflect the world around simply and comprehensively.  He was referring to the American abstract expressionist Jackson Pollock and contemporary comic abstractions of Arturo Herrera and Takashi Murakami, and also some Nepali artists like Ramesh Khanal and Mukesh Malla who engage in abstractions.

Why did Pollock paint in such bizarre ways which meant almost nothing in terms of understanding reality?  How did his action paintings communicate?  Why did he need to spray colors on the canvas? Why do comic abstractions take comic models of representation, semiotics of mass media, perplexing questions about war and conflicts, and loss of innocence, by using abstract and radical stereotyping?  Why not use natural and ideal proportions to represent reality?  Why not take a brush and slowly paint the world as it looks in a photograph?  There are creative reasons for such apparent bizarre representations.

Pollock in his arts was representing one of the most charged times.  Similarly, Salvador Dali before Pollock had tried to manifest the loss of humanity and decay in the value of time in his distorted looking surrealist art.  The times determine artistic modes.  The ways artists engage with reality are the ways worlds live and act with us.  Pollock could not have painted ideal or natural art as the renaissance artists did in Europe.  Furthermore, a contemporary artist would not write love and nature poems in the stylistic modes of Laxmi Prasad Devkota.  Pollock thus was representing the velocity of time, the time that was witnessing the rise of science and technology, rapid progress in various walks of life.  His action paintings manifested the charged time he was living in.  He could not have painted like Raphael.  Dali could not have painted like Bellini.  Mukesh Malla would not work like Jamini Roy.   

If we equate Nepali politics with the purpose of art I referred to, the former behaves with normalcy whether it is a time of peace or crises.   The Nepali cultural time is not at all normal.  Why is the political behavior so customary? 

Old men sitting on the high thrones are seemingly solving problems one by one.  Plunging deep into forming a government and letting bandits roam the streets of Kathmandu cannot be hierarchical in terms of preferences.  There is no time for giving preferences.  Drawing room political statement of a normal time runs like this: let me solve the major problems and then the minor ones will be taken care of.  The attitude is pass me that plate of momo and give me a glass of lemonade.     

Delays and postponements in university exams, deferring careers of thousands of students, constant security problems, hydropower electrocution, sluggish business and technology have to depend on the normal politics of our dreary leaders. 

Political behavior needs educated generation whose eyes are open, who are exposed to global conditions, who have the knowledge of contemporary education, economy, science and technology.  Political parties belong to the old men and women, but political behavior of the political parties could have been conducted by younger generation who comprehend the world around in terms of education as necessity and knowledge as power, and more significantly, time as a winged chariot. 

The old masters of political parties are people who are genetically normal, psychologically vague, bodily half-sleep, and politically uneven.  They judge things by averages, they speak their moods, they do not read books, and they do not watch cricket or soccer.  They devote their time in politics and perpetually postpone decisions.

What is normalcy then?  Normal is something usual and customary, something regular and ordinary. Normal is some grandfather's set of teeth which he takes out and brushes and goes to sleep and puts it in again before breakfast.  Normal was the prabhatpheri (morning procession) we were forced to participate on Falgun 7 of the previous political system.  Normal is feeling lazy to get up for early classes.  I am just trying to cite some examples.

Is there anything normal these days except the behavior of the political pundits?  The long-awaited government pops its head out of slow witted political system.  Now what!  Let them form ministry by the principle of distribution, let them take oaths, let them go to their power locations, let them yawn, let Nepalis look at their yawning, let them say that they are not yawning but thinking, let them, and so on. (The Kathmandu Post, March 18, 2007)

Joe, plastic bags and cultural imperialism

By Kushal Regmi

This story took place a few months ago when a certain Joe from England arrived at Osho Tapoban, where I happen to live. While most of us there were enjoying the meditation and each other's company, Joe, who said he was a Tantric Teacher at Dharamshala, India, looked a bit unhappy as his "Tantric Teacher" ego did not let him join the milieu of joy, that is in abundance at the commune.

Rather, his mind searched for all the flaws he could find of the place. He took a long personal tour of the commune, after which he concluded that we were not a meditative bunch because he found a lot of plastic bags, plates and bottles in the stream that flows through our commune. His logic was - how could people who lived in a polluted surrounding attain meditative bliss?

The logic accepted, the following Saturday, we organized a cleanup group, of course as Joe as its leader. In a few hours, the commune periphery of about 200 ropanies of Nagurjuna forest was once again pristine and clear.

Everyone seemed happy for having done a good job but my heart remained bothered. Something did not look right in the proceedings that had taken place. Yes, our commune was clean but I did not feel that we had found the permanent solution. I especially did not like the idea of a dominating foreigner bossing us around. And besides, what were we to do with the three huge bags of plastic we had collected?

The plastic pellets that are used to make disposable plastic products in our country come from the EU nations, mainly Germany and England. Once plastic is not recyclable any more and needs to be disposed, plastic companies of many European countries turn them into small plastic pellets and sell them at minimum price to developing countries like ours. This is not only profitable for the plastic companies but moreover they bypass the complex regulations to properly dispose the plastic in their own country. Here in Nepal, we are happy to buy the pellets and turn them into disposable plastic bags. And anyway, who really cares about the environmental damage that we import along with the plastic pellets.

I told Joe to take the three bags of trash back to Europe, where they originated, for I felt, only then would we really have solved the problem and once again have plastic free streams. Joe did not know what to do with the collected plastic either, and the idea of making the trash part of his luggage didn't really appeal to him. So, maybe because of his tantrik leanings, he decided to remain silent.

I also told him that we are a culture that has used biodegradable disposable products like the duna and tapari (bowls and plates made of leaves) that we always threw back to nature after using them and they blend with the surrounding without causing any pollution. The problem began only when the West started exporting plastic pellets. We treated these products the same way as we treat the duna and tapari. We threw them away. But plastic takes 12,000 years to bio-degrade. This fact is not known to most of our Nepali folk who have always been using biodegradable products in place of plastic.

So we have two options: we can either go Gandhi on the whole thing and revert back to the days of duna and tapari, or we need to import the ways of handling newer technology along with the products we bring in from the West, or else we will always be in a messy situation constantly reminded to us by the Joes that keep on coming to Nepal to get their Indian visa extended.

The case of Joe is a classic example of neo cultural imperialism. Joe's proclamation that the residents of Tapoban are an "unmeditative bunch" does not at all show his meditative quality but rather brings out the imperialist nature he has inherited, quite unknowingly from his ancestors who were not as subtle as Joe in proclaiming our ways - "savage". Rather than making an effort at learning from the wisdom that radiates constantly at Tapoban, Joe wanted to assert that we did not know how to live and he, this white guy from England, knew exactly how to civilize us.

I don't know whether Joe is still in Dharamshala or has returned to England. But wherever you are Joe, the three bags of plastic we collected are still waiting for you. (The Kathmandu Post, March 18, 2007)

Rethinking Bureaucracy

By RAJENDRA SIGDEL (The Kathmandu Post)

A suspicion that has bothered our consciousness for decades has become an all but unquestioned truth since 1990s that traditional bureaucracy is not an adequate form of governmental organization. It is rather associated with unaccountable power, corruption, nepotism and favoritism, among others. The question now is not only related to the bureaucratic reform, but also to the alternative models that can be best suited to governing Nepal. People are impatient to experience real democracy where their voice is heard and their aspirations are met. Bureaucracy is the main helping hand of the government for prompt, fair and equitable public service delivery.

Max Weber, the earliest proponent of bureaucracy, has defined it as an ideal type of organization equated with administrative rationality.  According to Weber, the main elements of bureaucracy are hierarchy, division of labor, a set of standard operating procedures, and impersonal relationship. Impartiality and neutrality are the hallmarks of bureaucracy. In other words, bureaucracy is a way of organising works in which people are treated as interchangeable cogs to fill the specialized roles.

For many people the word 'bureaucracy' conjures up an image of a mass of office workers buried in mounds of paper and tied to a set of petty rules, and above all the notorious 'red tape.' It is a common perception that bureaucracies embody vicious circles of decreasing efficiency and effectiveness. Moreover, it has also been looked as inefficient, incompetent, irresponsive and corrupted which lacks flexibility to meet the individual and organizational requirements. Regardless of all the criticisms, the state is composed of numerous bureaucracies at national and local levels; to administer policy concerning government finances and maintaining law and order.

With time, the challenges on bureaucracy have been surmounting which need to be addressed without delay. The transformation of the state from the sole service provider to the facilitator and promoter has paved way for the civil society and private sector to cater the public service. As a direct consequence, the role and size of bureaucracy in this context has been the main challenge. Similarly, the adaptation of ICTs in its overall activities has come as another challenge. Furthermore, it also has to be tuned as per people's aspirations and expectations because it is the main interface between the government and the people. Its significance is believed to be vital in the case of political transition like that of Nepal.

In the present context of our country, the government is expected to be everywhere meeting people's demands. The government of Nepal has to maintain the law and order, operate all the government machineries within the minimum regulatory functions. However, the radical political changes that have taken place in the form of 'regime change' has created a sense of fear and psychosis among the public servants, which has hindered the performance at individual and organizational levels. This scenario does not necessarily reveal the dearth of competent manpower in Nepalese civil service rather manifests the inappropriate government set up. The prevailing problems such as; lack of performance-based incentive or rewards system, the absence of motivating work environment and the like, have been exhibited on literatures The present seven party alliance government is believed to be the strongest one in the Nepalese history which has the mandate of Nepalese people through Janaandolan II. However, it may sound ridiculous that no concrete measures have been taken so as to curb the persisting anomalies in the civil service save for the nominal increase in the salary package.

How can one imagine the Nepalese bureaucracy to be motivated and in high morale if it has been running in almost legal vacuum for the past eight months? After the annulment of the Civil Service Act, Second Amendment Ordinance in June, 2006 the Civil Service Amendment Bill has been gathering dust at the parliament since then. It has not only halted the overall recruitment processes but also has guided the whole mechanism into a quagmire. For instance, the fifteen acting secretaries who are heading the ministries are retaining their posts merely relied on the advice of the Attorney General rather than on a legal base.

The myriad competing ideas or models for improving bureaucracy that warrants our hope and trust have yet to materialize. It has to be restructured into more participatory, less hierarchical, and more responsive towards public interests and reduction of inequality and domination. A coherent and persuasive strategy for confronting and transforming bureaucracy into self-managing alternatives of autonomous working groups, self-reliant communities, federations and networks is a must. Many western governments have tried to improve their bureaucracies chiefly relied on a combination of re-invention, re-engineering, and streamlining of strategies. Market and competition based solution to organize the efficient and effective delivery of government services through non-governmental organizations has been sought as an alternative to the bureaucracy but we must also be wary of the circumstances and the limits.

Bureaucracy has its sensitivity in the state affairs. We hope and trust in the creative abilities of unshackled government employees by breaking the manacles of the burdensome policies and regulations, empowering and holding them accountable for their decisions and actions and rewarding them when they produce in a meaningful way instead of replacing it.  We should identify the structures, approaches, and practices that will allow us to achieve our long-cherished values of government accountability and equity along with the reform values of the nineties; government responsiveness, flexibility, and employee participation or empowerment. Bureaucracy should be operated within the contours of democratic values and norms.

 

Civil society, the private sector and the political leadership are responsible for the anomalies that have surfaced in bureaucracy. To change bureaucracy, it is necessary to change its feudalistic mentality and making it accountable and responsible. It is only possible when there is clear demarcation of authority, responsibility and resources between bureaucracy and political leadership. The reform initiatives including the upcoming ten-year vision paper of Nepalese Civil Service is expected to address all these aforementioned drawbacks and help bureaucracy restore faith in people.  But the success belies in the honest commitment of all the stakeholders. Last but not least, it would be relevant to mention the decade old adage: Bureaucracy is dead, long live bureaucracy!

(The author can be reached at: rajendramost@hotmail.com)

The SPA is not serious about the situation

MONDAY INTERVIEW (The Kathmandu Post)
‘The SPA is not serious about the situation’
Nilamber Acharya, a former minister and diplomat who loves to be known as a “citizen politician” is, to our eyes, a prominent political analyst who has been closely observing the current political developments in the country. He foresees a tragedy in the eventuality of the Maoists' not accepting the results of the CA poll, and suggests that the democratic forces should unite.
On Saturday morning, Puran P Bista and Kamal Raj Sigdel of The Kathmandu Post caught up with Acharya to discuss the future of the country's volatile politics. Here are excerpts from the interview.
Q: What are the challenges to the upcoming CA election?
Acharya: The major challenge is the absence of governance. The government is not serious in ensuring a secure environment where political parties can organize their activities fearlessly in any corner of the country.
Q: The immediate challenge seems to be the unrest in Madhes. How do you analyze the six-point demand raised by some Madhesi leaders? Are they genuine?
Acharya: We haven't got to the stage where we can judge whether they are genuine or not. They have come just before the election when the state does not have the authority to deal with them. The government cannot even transfer or promote a single civil servant. How can we even think of deciding such serious issues? Only an elected CA has the authority to discuss such things. Even if the ruling SPA agrees to fulfill their demands, will not the CA re-examine the decisions later? The CA can resolve the issues freely after a thorough study and analysis.
The second possibility is that they may have been advanced as part of a strategy to disrupt the election by exploiting the genuine grievances of sections of the people. They may also be a product of a defeatist mentality because some of those who claim to represent Madhes and have put forward these demands are not sure that they will secure enough seats in the election. Still, let us hope that these demands have been raised as part of their election campaign.
Next, let me put this question: Is the current Interim Parliament inclusive? Does it fully represent Madhes? No. This Interim Parliament is less inclusive than the proposed CA. Don't forget, more than 48 percent of the CA members elected through the first-past-the-post system will come from Madhes. It is constitutionally guaranteed. With regard to the proportional system, major parties such as the Nepali Congress, UML, the Maoists and others who contest in more than 20 percent of the constituencies will have to set aside 31.2 percent of the seats for Madhesis. Why do these Madhesi leaders put more trust in the current Interim Parliament and the interim government, which are far less inclusive, and doubt the CA which will be more inclusive? The fact that the CA will be an elected body and more inclusive, should induce the Madhesis to put greater trust in it to fulfill their demands. Q: There are rumors that a fourth amendment to the Interim Constitution could fulfill the demands of the Madhesis and pave the way for the CA poll. What do you say?
Acharya: The first, second and third amendments were encroachments on the Interim Constitution. Interim means for a limited time -- and limited purpose -- and with limited power. Making amendments to the Interim Constitution means that it has failed. There could be a provision for making amendments in case of some unmanageable natural calamity befalling the country or a war happening -- situations over which we have no control. But it is not right to extend and amend the Interim Constitution over and again. If we were to make a fourth amendment, the legitimacy of the Interim Constitution, Interim Parliament and the interim government as well would be lost. The only way is to write a new constitution through the CA. A stop should be put to tampering with the interim arrangements.
Q: Do you think a free, fair and credible CA election is possible in the current state of lawlessness?
Acharya: The trouble is not that there is lawlessness. The trouble is that there has been no effort to curtail it. No effort has been made to remain within the limits of the law and no effort has been made to enforce it. There are instances where the law has been enforced in a discriminatory manner. Some perpetrators have been punished while others have been let off simply because they belonged to a sister organization of a party which is in the government. In the eyes of the law, a crime should be a crime no matter who commits it. One gets the impression that some sections in the government want to continue with the situation of increasing lawlessness and impunity.
Regarding the election, if the situation improves, it is possible; otherwise not. A drastic improvement is needed. First, the fuel supply is not regular. Second, there is no freedom of movement and transport. Third, relations within the SPA are not so amicable. The cadres of a party engaged in election campaigning have been attacked by the cadres of another party. There are strikes and bandas all along the southern belt and even other parts of the country. There are several groups who are hindering the political parties from organizing political rallies in various places of the country.
In a democracy, you can display black flags and chant slogans; but you cannot do these things in a place where another party is holding its rally.
Next, the SPA is not serious. What happened to the 23-point agreement? It was included in previous agreements and in the Interim Constitution too. It is okay that they reiterated their commitment to it, but why can't they put it into practice? Similarly, even though the nation is passing through a difficult period, the cabinet meeting is not being called regularly and urgent decisions are not taken. The country's leaders are not giving time and due attention to their tasks as demanded by the seriousness of the situation.
There is non-governance wherever you look. There is failure and insecurity everywhere. There is scarcity all over the country. There is no water, no electricity, no security, nothing. This shows that the government is not serious about the country's deteriorating condition.
Q: Why has the government become so frail?
Acharya: It is generally said that such situations arise when there are opposing ideologies working together, for it is hard to take prompt decisions under such conditions. But this cannot be the cause all the time. I think there are some elements within the government who don't want the situation to become normal. These elements want to show that the government has been a failure. There could be some elements who want to destroy the achievements of the April uprising too.
There are elements who are guided by dreams of utopia and others with fantasies of reviving the past. One side wants to go back while the other wants to achieve the unachievable. At one point, they even tried to join hands and block what is achievable and realistic -- the recent attempt to unite so-called republicans and nationalists, i.e., the people in the circle of the royal palace who “love the country very much”, according to Prachanda's words.
The CA should pave the way for the development of the country within the framework of the normal multiparty democracy as understood internationally. And this is not to the liking of these elements. Why would regressive elements and ultra-leftists easily let things happen which are not in their interests?
Let me put it plainly. If the Maoists think that they cannot capture the state or secure enough seats to keep their hold on power, will they support the election process? Of late, we have heard their leaders of saying they want to capture state power through the CA election if possible, and if not by waging an insurgency.
The Maoists have not been democratized yet. There are two streams within the Maoists -- one which is for a realistic democratic path and another which is ultra-leftist. Besides the ultra-leftists and regressive elements, those who do not want to see the country following a normal democratic pattern could come from different groups. One of them could be revenge seekers. During such a time, criminal elements can also operate, and they do so under some political guise. Moreover, we must be cautious of any attempt to make our country a testing ground for utopian ideas or strategic principles.
The leaders of the major political parties have failed to see these dangers and change their behavior accordingly.
Q: What will happen if the government fails to hold the election on schedule?
Acharya: If the government holds the election without improving the current anarchic situation, it will invite disorder. If it fails to hold the election, there will be even more disorder. In either case, there's going to be a mess. So there is no alternative to bringing the situation under control and making the election possible and its results acceptable. For that to happen, stringent measures should be taken--political steps, administrative steps and security measures.
Q: An Indian delegation has returned after its four-day visit to Nepal. Do you think it will have any positive impact on Nepali politics?
Acharya: Generally, every country can take its neighbor's advice normally. The Indian delegation paid a goodwill visit; that is ok. They can advise, but it is up to us how we handle things here. But our friends from the international community including India should be aware that we are at a very sensitive and delicate time. Even ordinary truths and general principles uttered take on different colors in such a context. If anyone arrives at election time and says that this is not sufficient or that we have to be more inclusive, then there are chances that the agitating parties may be encouraged by such utterances. Even an innocent remark can have a negative effect during sensitive times of conflict or election. So everybody should understand the sensitivity of the hour and be careful of their expressions.
Q: Even if the government negotiates with the United Madhesi Front, there are chances that armed groups will come forward to disrupt the CA poll. Under such a situation, do you see Nepal suffering a tragedy like in Kenya? Do you see a chance of the military stepping in?
Acharya: Let us not rush to such judgments. Election time is a very sensitive moment. Though we may foresee some of the possible happenings, we should not make them public and create panic. If we bring them to the public's notice, it may be counterproductive.
We are in the process of rebuilding Nepal. Therefore, it is obvious that those who have an interest in the old structure are not going to make it easy for us. The political parties should understand the gravity of the situation. It is naive to think that we can easily suppress the elements that have been around for ages. It is the responsibility of the parties. They must prepare themselves for the challenges. They should take measures to strengthen themselves, expand their support base and consolidate their ties with the masses.
Second, if we want to restructure the state based on a utopian ideology such as the ultras among the Maoists are envisioning and jump forward, it will also create disturbances. The democratic forces should be apprehensive of the risks involved and be prepared to face any challenge whatsoever. I wonder why the NC and the UML cannot forge a solid understanding and combine their efforts even at such a critical time. Their united endeavors would have helped bring into the main democratic stream those who are still vacillating or are prone to fall into the trap of ultras and regressive forces.
Next, the April uprising had two major goals -- ending the monarchy and ending the so-called People's War. The Maoists felt that they could not win the war and capture the state, so they agreed to negotiations and a peaceful movement. The Maoists had started their war with the aim of capturing state power and establishing a people's democracy in the Maoist style in place of the western-style parliamentary democracy. They failed to do so because there were such political forces as the NC and the UML, and a state with its army intact. The NC and the UML should understand that the Maoists could run for the CA as a strategy to achieve their original goal of state capture, and that the more powerful the democratic forces become, the more they can bring the Maoists into the democratic line.
So, the two (NC and UML) should understand that there is a big challenge when they are poised to restructure the state. Be prepared. It is discernible in the Maoists, particularly in their mood swings and shaky decisions that they have a goal. They have said that they would capture the state through an armed-struggle if they failed to do it through the CA.
Next, the Maoists have never admitted that they have denounced arms. On the contrary, they are warning that they will raise arms if the election does not yield the desired results. How can one check the spread of violence and proliferation of terrorist groups if a major party in power is for legitimizing violence in politics? This should be understood by the democratic forces.
If a party in the government does not respect the law of the land, others will obviously be encouraged to resort to violence.
If we do not analyze these things and act without thinking, we will face new tragedies, not like that of Kenya, but there will be violence at multiple levels.
Q: Why didn't the civil society guide the parties?
Acharya: The civil society cannot compel the political parties; it can only express an opinion. They are not political actors.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, 2008-02-17 21:04:47 (Server Time)

Teenagers' narcissism: From generation 'X' to 'Y'

By Neil Howe and William Strauss

Is the narcissism of young people a fearsome national problem? Absolutely, according to a new study by San Diego State University psychology professor Jean Twenge. In a book published last year, Generation Me, and a new report issued this week, Twenge draws a portrait of under-socialized young people fated to depression, self-destruction, violence and civic decay as they grow older.

Her study, Egos Inflating Over Time, draws on 25 years of personality surveys that test youth for narcissism. Today's teenagers stand condemned for being more likely to agree with statements such as "I think I am a special person." The study's conclusions fuel endless negative media commentary on today's kids that will always find an audience--stories about crime, cheating, sexual license and celebrity worship.

But Twenge and others are wildly mistaken about the Millennial generation--those born since the early 1980s, which some persist in calling Generation Y. No matter what teens say on surveys, there is scant evidence that they act more selfishly. In fact, the trends in youth behavior support the opposite conclusion--that Millennials have much greater regard for each other, their parents and the community than Gen X'ers or baby boomers had at the same phase of life.

Consider crime as an obvious index of self-centered behavior. Since 1994, the rate at which people under age 25 commit serious violent crimes has fallen by more than 60 percent. Even as states build new prisons, the incarcerated population under age 25 is shrinking.

Or look at the rate of pregnancy and abortion for girls under age 18, both of which are down by roughly one-third since the mid-1990s. Apparently (experts say) teenagers are having sex less and protecting themselves more, backtracking against the sexual revolution ignited by the boomers.

Drug abuse too is a classic barometer of self-involved behavior. According to the highly regarded annual Monitoring the Future survey, cigarette and alcohol consumption in grades 8, 10 and 12 are now at their lowest levels since the survey began in 1975. The rate of illicit drug use is much lower for today's kids than it was for their parents when they were in high school.

Selfish kids would seem unlikely to get along with their parents. Yet several surveys indicate that today's teenagers are very close to their moms and dads. Record numbers claim they "share their parents values" or "have no problem with any family member." Increasingly they say they want to live near their parents later in life--a reassuring prospect if Social Security collapses under the demographic weight of the boomers.

A healthy civic indicator is the boom in youth volunteering, a finding the "Egos" study discounts because many high schools require community service. But other indicators point to the same positive trend. Voting rates for Americans 25 and younger have surged since the late 1990s. According to the College Freshman survey at the University of California, Los Angeles, 76 percent of new college arrivals, a record high, say that "raising a family" is a very important goal--and a record low, only 27 percent, agree that "realistically, there is little an individual can do to change society."

But the scolders of the young argue on. Many are themselves boomers, a generation that pushed up most indicators of self-seeking behavior during their own youth: violence, risk, rage and rebellion. The original Me Generation has spent a lifetime obsessed with the journey within. Thanks to boomers, a vocabulary of self-esteem and self-love so permeates today's schools and media that professors like Twenge can now blame kids for obligingly repeating it back to them on personality tests.

Whenever youth behavior seems clearly positive, critics cynically find a way to dismiss it. If teenagers are doing more homework, passing more AP tests and making longer-term life plans, that just shows how selfishly they want to get ahead. If they flock to social network sites for mutual support, that's a sign of me-first showboating. If youth suicide rates have fallen, that's only because of new drug therapies. In order to claim that kids are "more miserable than ever before," Twenge needs to deny that they're emotionally healthier.

No message from 40- and 50-year-olds to today's 20-year-olds could be so perverse and contrary to fact as the accusation of selfishness. Boomers and X'ers would do a lot better by finding within themselves the authentic moral leadership that will inspire Millennials to build a better society as they mature.

The older generations also should go easy on themselves. They should be proud that maybe they've raised their children pretty well after all--even if those children are not turning out to be as endearingly egocentric as themselves.

(Strauss and Howe are the authors of "Generations" and "Millennials Rising.")

Los Angeles Times

Readers' response

Negative leadership

Having suffered during King Gyanendra's dictatorship, Dr Om Gurung of Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) commanded a lot of respect. Not any more! After the Nepal banda of February 28, my esteem for him has evaporated.

NEFIN had already held a meeting with the government. In spite of the pleas of the government and other groups, Dr Gurung and company decided to go ahead with the banda, adding more misery to our bleeding nation.

Although violence is never to be condoned, one could not help exclaiming, 'Serves you right!' This banda was more ferocious in that the organizers dared to stone motorcyclists. Even riders going to work at six in the morning were not spared.  

Dr Gurung, shall we commend you and your disciples for efficiency? No, rather we moan how unscrupulous you are. Your demands are more important to you than the lives of innocent millions. Negative leadership like yours (including those of the Madhes and the Maoists) is bringing the nascent democracy and our country to ruin. Because of banda-fatigue, people are even pining for a dictatorship. Perhaps, we need a dictator to adequately deal with your stone-wielding hooligans (picture, TKP, March 1). 

Dr Ramesh Khatry

Kathmandu

 

 

Ethno-regional troubles

This refers to the article "Resolution of ethno-regional troubles" by Dr Som Prasad Pudasaini (March 1), which sheds light on issues concerning social justice at this juncture. At a time when the pressure groups from different castes and climates are agitating for their respectable position, what should be understood is that it is not only the problem of Madhesis but also the problem of Pahadis, Janjatis, Dalits, Chepangs and others. The constituent assembly must provide place for their identification. The consciousness of different communities reaching in mainstream of development assures the prosperity of the country.

Mahesh Pandey

Kerunga 8, Argakhanchi

 

 

Link Europe
It is a very encouraging news that the number of tourists has gone up. Obviously, we must attribute this rise to the peaceful environment. However, another important factor associated with tourism promotion is easy connection, i.e. direct flights to/from Bangladesh and South Korea and other countries.

There were enough direct flights to Frankfurt, London and Vienna in the past linking up Europe easily but at a time when the world is becoming a small village, Nepal is isolated and disconnected from the outside world. Everybody applauds tourism as the backbone of Nepali economy, but it is really important to create an enabling environment to achieve it.

Through my visit to many of European countries, I came to know that a huge number of Europeans are eager to touch/feel mountain, raft in Trishuli river and ride elephant in Chitawan. But they are disappointed when they see the airfare which is very high as compared to other countries. Airfares can be brought down drastically, if Nepal is connected directly to Europe. Together with linking up, the media coverage also plays a vital role to attract the tourists.
Shrawan Khanal
Finland

 

 

Convincing people

This refers to the article, 'Maoists are yet to convince people' by Shovakhar Pokharel. The promulgation of the interim constitution and Maoist entrance in parliamentary politics have brought a beacon of hope to the peace-loving Nepalis. Most of them have taken the CPN(M) as an alternative to making a new Nepal. However, the continuation of abduction, intimidation, and impunity has compelled people to suspect them.

Despite the commitment from the high-level leadership, the reign of terror has continued in the villages. They have yet to return the property of innocent people seized during their "people's war".

The Maoist leadership should understand that it is the people who decide the fate of both Prachanda and monarchy. They should bear in mind that they cannot dictate the conscience of the people. Giving up the violence and creation of favorable environment for elections to the constituent assembly is the need of the hour.

The SPA and the Maoists both should give a clear message to the people that they are really working for people without dillydallying.

Bishnu Hari Marasini

Hansapur-8, Arghakhanchi

 

Painful disappearance

Anyone reading the news "The story of a disappeared teacher" (March 4) cannot help shedding tears. I am no exception to this and compelled to write something. The Headmaster of Kuibhir Secondary School, Late Chakra Katwal, who was only the walking stick of the family, is now no more. He was forced to leave his illiterate wife a widow with four orphans on her lap to bring up. Anyone who has a human heart can feel how she is leading her life without her lone support, her husband.

The make-believe story of the authorities to defend themselves is really a shameful task. How could such a person who was unconscious after the torture escape through a ventilation of the toilet under security presence? How could the people tolerate such brutal, inhumane killing of the authorities? The relatives are deprived of the right to get the corpse after the death. What a pity!

Chakra Katwal is one among thousands of disappeared. Many Chakra Katwals have been killed by both the state and the Maoists during the decade-long insurgency. There are many waiting to know the whereabouts of their dear ones. The SPA government is responsible for providing authentic information to the relatives of the killed.

Suman Shrestha

Diyale-6, Okhaldhunga

 

EIA is a must
This refers to the interview with NEA's Managing Director Arjun Kumar Karki ("Special state provisions a must to address power crisis", March 4). Karki in his interview has said that Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) is posing an obstruction to the immediate construction of the hydropower projects according to NEA's work plan because EIA of those projects have not been done. He, therefore, opines that the government should allow them to build these projects and simultaneously conduct environmental impact assessment, rather than the former following the latter and has said that they are proposing to the government through the Ministry of Water Resources to allow them to do that.

According to EPA and EPR, 1997, proposals related to power development require IEE/EIA and which must be approved prior to the implementation of those proposals from Ministry of Water Resources (MoWR) and/or Ministry of Environment, Science and Technology (MoEST).

Contrary to these provisions, Karki said they want to simultaneously carry out EIA and project construction. What is the need for carrying out EIA during construction if not earlier? If the negative impacts are greater in comparison to the benefits, then the project cannot be implemented. Why to develop the projects if they cause greater loss than benefits? Therefore, projects must not be implemented prior to the EIA.

Keshab Raj Joshi & Rewati Niraula

Kathmandu 

The only story in town

Manjushree Thapa

Politics often seems like the only story in town. No matter whether you're a businessperson or an artist, a student or a shopkeeper, you can't escape the constant buzz of 'what's happening,' meaning what's happening in politics: the latest about disarmament, Girija's health, SPA unity, Ian Martin's findings, Prachanda's watch and home furnishings, the Madhes, the Janajatis, the absence of a women's movement, the Dalits, the cantonments, the antics in Parliament, the disappeared truth and reconciliation, bandas and anti-banda initiatives, the exhumation of bodies, the constituent assembly elections – will they happen in June?

When I began this arts and literature column, more than a year ago, I received irate notes from friends, demanding to know what was I doing ignoring the only one story in town: politics.

But in fact the arts and literature offer more illumination into 'what's happening' than do the pronouncements of a thousand politicians. For these pronouncements are but stories they are weaving, stories whose truth they hope to convince others, and also themselves, about. Day by day, we are witnessing a fierce rhetorical struggle to imagine the country anew. The assumption is, he – or she – whose story drowns out all others will shape the New Nepal.

The problem is, these stories are emerging from parallel universes.

Take the Panchayat-era conservatives. For them, what's happening is nothing less than the falling of the sky: Only the monarchy can save patriarchal high-caste 'hilly' Hindu nationalism now. From the study of biogeography, we know that ancient strains of flora and fauna thrive best in isolation, due to an absence of competition. Similarly, ancient logics have thrived in isolation in Nepal. Panchayat-era conservatives sincerely believe there can be no Nepal outside the feudal imaginary. And in their hermetically sealed circles, they confirm their own worst fears. "Is the sky falling, prabhu?" "Yes, the sky is falling, prabhu."

For the excluded majority – the Janajatis, Dalits, women and Madhesis – though, what's happening is the opening up of the nation – or the possibility of its opening up, at last. They do not want the peace process to be the exclusive deign of the SPA leaders, who have persistently tried to preserve patriarchal high-caste 'hilly' Hindu nationalism, especially when useful to themselves.

From the standpoint of the excluded majority, then, the failure of an exclusivist peace process is good news, as long as it leads to a new, inclusive peace process: Peace Process II.

The SPA leaders, meanwhile, remain the most inscrutable people in the country. At the district and local levels, party leaders tend to be frank and forthright, pragmatic and competent. At the center, though, they turn enigmatic. They say one thing, and do another; so pathologically paralyzed are they by their conflicting class / caste / family / cultural / philosophical / institutional loyalties, one wishes for them only the opportunity for early retirement, and psychotherapy.

By contrast, it is quite clear that the Maoists' faith in their own historical inevitability remains unshaken. Last November, at the Sahajpur sub-cantonment in Kailali, a Maoist soldier told me, in a surreally personable chat, about his part in the war. He had been involved in the attack on the Achham barracks, and had gunshot wounds to the neck, chest and arms as testament. When he mentioned that he was originally from Kalikot, I brought up Kotbada: the army, chasing down the assailants of the Achham attack, had massacred innocent laborers there. For some reason I thought he would feel responsible, in part, for the massacre, or at least remorseful.

But he felt only indignation. He launched into a story – impossible to know if it is true, but he clearly believed it – of a soldier who deserted the army after the massacre, in protest, only to be killed by soldiers from his own barracks. "He became a legend," he said. "He proved that this is a criminal state. It makes me sick just to think of that slaughter. They killed those men like animals," he said. "There was blood all over the ground – they say the earth is still red there."

No mention, in all this, of the blood he so willingly spilled in Achham.  

Parallel universes, again.

So long as each group, above, tells/hears only its own story, there can be no common narrative for New Nepal. All we will have – all we have now – are many short stories, whereas what we need is akin to a novel: a vast, dialogical narrative that weaves every group's concerns together, into a shared universe.

The only way to write such a narrative is to include everyone in its drafting. The time is right, now, for everyone to sit down at a nice, big round table, and to talk, talk, talk – not past each other, but with each other – to come up with the story of us all.

Wiki-whacked

Wiki-whacked
By Timothy Noah
Pardon me if I seem a little blue. My Wikipedia bio is about to disappear
because I fail to satisfy the "notability guideline."
Wikipedia, as you probably know, is an online multilingual encyclopedia
whose entries are written and edited by readers around the world. What you
may not know is that this ongoing experiment in Web-based collaboration
maintains volunteer gatekeepers, and one of them has whisked me (or
rather, the entry describing me) under the insulting rubric, "Wikipedia
articles with topics of unclear importance." I share this digital limbo
with Anthony Stevens ("internationally respected Jungian analyst,
psychiatrist, and author"), "Final Approach" ("romantic comedy anime
series"), Secproof ("well-known security consulting company in Finland"),
and about 400 other topics tagged during the past calendar month. There we
languish, awaiting "deletion review," which I will surely flunk.
Wikipedia's notability policy resembles US immigration policy before 9/11:
stringent rules, spotty enforcement. To be notable, a Wikipedia topic must
be "the subject of multiple non-trivial published works from sources that
are reliable and independent of the subject and of each other." Although I
have written or been quoted in such works, I can't say I've ever been the
subject of any. And wouldn't you know, some notability cop cruised past my
bio and pulled me over. Unless I get notable in a hurry--win the Nobel
Peace Prize? Prove I sired Anna Nicole Smith's baby daughter?--a "sysop"
(volunteer techie) will wipe my Wikipedia page clean.
My career as an encyclopedia entry began on Sept. 6, 2005, when (according
to Wikipedia's "history" tab) an anonymous user posted a three-sentence
bio noting that I write the Chatterbox column in Slate; that previously
I'd been a Washington-based reporter for the Wall Street Journal; and that
my wife, "fellow journalist Marjorie Williams," had died the previous
January. I've since discovered through some Web sleuthing that my Boswell
was a student at Reed College named Ethan Epstein. Subsequent reader edits
added to Epstein's original a few more professional and personal items
from my resume that, like the earlier details, were readily available online.
I can't say that I'd ever harbored an ambition to be listed in Wikipedia,
but when I tripped over my bio three months after it appeared, I felt
mildly flattered. Exercising my wiki rights, I corrected my city of
residence, which was off by a few blocks, and added that I'd published a
posthumous anthology of Marjorie's writing under the title, "The Woman at
the Washington Zoo."
Various items got added to and subtracted from my bio over the next year
and a half, and every now and then I would check for errors (there were
surprisingly few). It was on one such foray that I discovered I'd been
designated for wiki oblivion, like a dead tree marked with orange spray
paint for the city arborist to uproot.
Talk about humiliating! Wikipedia does not, it assures readers, measure
notability "by Wikipedia editors' own subjective judgments." In other
words, it was nothing personal. But to be told that one has been found
objectively unworthy hardly softens the blow. "Think of all your friends
and colleagues who've never been listed," a pal consoled. Cold comfort. If
you've never been listed in Wikipedia you can always argue that your
omission is an oversight. Not me. I've been placed under a microscope and,
on the basis of careful and dispassionate analysis, excluded from the most
comprehensive encyclopedia ever devised. Ouch!
But the terms of eviction from Wikipedia raise a larger issue than the
bruised ego of one scribbler (or Jungian analyst or anime artist or
Finnish security consultant). Why does Wikipedia have a "notability"
standard?
We know why other encyclopedias need to limit the topics they cover. If
they're on paper, they're confined by space. If they're on the Web,
they're confined by staff size. But Wikipedia commands what is, for all
practical purposes, infinite space and infinite manpower. The drawback to
Wikipedia's ongoing collaboration with readers is that entries are
vulnerable to error, clumsy writing and sabotage. The advantage is that
Wikipedia can draw on the collective interests and knowledge of its
hundreds of thousands of daily visitors to cover, well, anything. To limit
that scope based on notions of importance and notability seems
self-defeating. If Wikipedia publishes a bio of my cleaning lady, that
won't make it any harder to field experts to write and edit Wikipedia's
bio of Albert Einstein. So why not let her in?
Granted, there are a few practical limits to covering any and all topics,
"important" or not. One is privacy. Assuming that my cleaning lady were
neither a public figure nor part of any larger story, it would be
difficult to justify posting her bio against her will. Another limit is
accuracy. The bio's assertions about my cleaning lady would have to be
independently verifiable from trustworthy sources made available to
readers. Otherwise Wikipedia's vast army of volunteer fact-checkers would
be unable to find out whether the bio was truthful.
But Wikipedia already maintains rules concerning verifiability and
privacy. Why does it need separate rules governing "notability"?
Wikipedia's attempt to define who or what is notable is so rococo that it
even has elaborate notability criteria for porn stars. A former Playboy
Playmate of the Month is notable; a hot girlfriend to a famous rock star
is not. Inside the permanent town meeting that is Wikipedia's governing
structure--a New Yorker article about Wikipedia last year reported that 25
percent of Wikipedia is devoted to governance of the site--the notability
standard is a topic of constant dispute.
When people go to this much trouble to maintain a distinction rendered
irrelevant by technological change, the search for an explanation usually
leads to Thorstein Veblen's 1899 book, "The Theory of the Leisure Class."
This extended sociological essay argues that the pursuit of status based
on outmoded social codes takes precedence over, and frequently undermines,
the rational pursuit of wealth and, more broadly, common sense.
Hierarchical distinctions among people and things remain in force not
because they retain practical value, but because they have become
pleasurable in themselves. Wikipedia's stubborn enforcement of its
notability standard suggests that Veblen was right. We limit entry to the
club not because we need to, but because we want to.
The Washington Post

www.lookandgaze.blogspot.com

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