Nepal: A yam between two boulders

By Kamal Raj Sigdel

Ka Leo Contributing Writer

Posted on Kaleo.org: 9/29/08

Honolulu, Hawaii, USA: The rise of a new breed of communist leaders in Nepal has drawn the world's attention. It is partly because the tiny South Asian country is a Chinese neighbor and partly because this is a new democratic experiment. But will the Maoists give up their communist ideals? And will China and India, two economic giants, let the democracy groom on its own?

Nepal's democracy faces two major challenges: the Maoists' continued enchantment with the communist ideals and their reluctance to fully democratize themselves, even after entering into the multi-party democracy, and China and India's increased interest in Nepal's politics.

Indeed, the new Maoist Prime Minister, Prachanda is having a hard time. The illusive rebel leader, who did not even exist to many Nepalis' until recently, is now busy making the rounds garnering support to rebuild the war-torn country.

However, to everyone's surprise, Prachanda began as a true communist; he chose to begin his visit with China, and not with India. He went against the Nepali tradition, and reportedly offended India. Many democrats took it as an alarm-a communist with a history of a bloody war that killed more than 13,000 civilians preferred to break bread with communist neighbor China, ignoring the invitation of India.

Prachanda's visit to China was meaningful in that it was not limited to the Olympic Closing ceremony. Prachanda met both Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao and discussed issues ranging from bilateral cooperation on security and Tibet to development assistance and trade. He also went one step further, paying a symbolic visit to Mao's ancestral village that inspired Maoist guerillas in Nepal. This raised eyebrows in India.

In fact, Prachanda seems to be more worried about gaining support from China than in striking a balance and, of course, in correcting his cadres' undemocratic practices, returning the occupied land of innocent civilians, stopping abductions and intimidation, or reigning in the Young Communist League (YCL), a Maoist sister paramilitary organization, and in teaching democratic values and norms.

Ever since the day he won the election, Prachanda has been saying that he wanted to review the India-Nepal Friendship Treaty of 1950, because it was "unequal." In the face of his desire to redefine Nepal-India relations (albeit a good thing in itself), it was a clear message to India that the new red leader wanted to ignore them and side with a fellow communist nation.

Just when Prachanda was breaking bread with Chinese leaders in Beijing, one of the India's largest selling dailies, The Times of India, splashed a news headline that read, "Nepal PM Prachanda chooses China over India."
Challenges

Prachanda faces both challenges and opportunities of being sandwiched between two of the world's fastest growing economies. The first king PN Shah had a good understanding of Nepalese geopolitical locus when he described it as a "yam between two boulders."

Accordingly, one of the major challenges is to strike a balance in foreign policy in the face of the growing interests of the two giant neighbors so that it won't be crushed as would a yam between two giant boulders. In a bid to balance his relation, Prachanda visited India subsequently but he still fails to allay the Indian fear that the new leader is playing what they call the "China card."

As the Maoists have not articulated their terms of engagement with foreign powers, there is always a room for them to play, or for themselves to be carried away. In fact, both the neighboring giants have increased concerns in Nepal. Increasing Chinese pressure in suppressing Tibetan refugees in Kathmandu and Indian role in shaping many domestic policies and political parties are some of the examples of interventions. Given the Maoists' wavering faith in democracy and perceived likelihood of being carried away by external influences, it is feared that the peace process will be derailed.

Under these circumstances, the Maoists would do better if they completely gave up their faith in arms, fully democratized themselves and institutionalized democracy. It is too decent of the Maoists not to think of China as an alternative, be it in supplies or in finding a back up for a red takeover.

Prachanda has to realize the country's critical geopolitical location. Only a balanced foreign policy could garner a wide support so that the peace process can be taken to a logical end. There are also risks of the peace process falling apart, particularly in the two big powers not acting wisely. Nepal, therefore, needs warm and open support from both of its powerful, but competing, neighbors. (The writer can be reached at kamal.sigdel [at] gmail.com)

Hawaii

Nepal: A yam between two boulders - Commentary

Light Article

Is the English language full?

By Alex Beam

I love neologisms, coinages, new words, whatever you want to call them. I think "staycation" is hilarious. Daniel Maurer, author of "Brocabulary: The New Man-i-festo of Dude Talk" is merchandising the words "brobituary" and "manecdote."

Brobituary is the all-too-apropos term for the valedictory speeches a man hears at his wedding. Full of praise and good feeling, they signal that the portion of his life worth living has come to an end.

A manecdote is a story that emphasizes one's manliness. Like the time I talked about repairing the garage door. Which I still haven't done.

These words are just the tip of the iceberg. I've been keeping tabs on the marketing-driven variants of "metrosexual," which now include "petrosexual" and "jetrosexual." What about "retrosexual," which fits me to a T? Whenever I hear that two young people are getting married, I exclaim: "To a member of the opposite sex? How exotic."

Conventional wisdom likens the English language to a healthy, growing organism that easily generates new words like "poke" (in the Facebook sense), "ginormous," "crowdsource," or "webisode." Every few years, a new edition of Merriam-Webster or American Heritage issues a press release commending themselves for integrating words like "Web-surfing" and "Islamo-fascism" into their dictionaries.

Similarly, the language purges itself of words that are no longer of any use, like "etiquette," "manners," and "modesty."

Are new words as great as we think they are? Paul MacInnes, writing for The Guardian newspaper, says no. "The common line is that any new word is a good word," he says. "It shows a vibrant, playful language shaped by those who practice it." He continues: "Not often, however, does anyone stop to ask whether this is a good thing, whether ... the English language is full."

Full! Interesting concept: New Words Need Not Apply.

MacInnes caught up with something called The English Project, supported by the BBC, the English Speaking Union and other worthies, which "aims to create ... an innovatory 'language exposition' (or 'living museum') where visitors - both physically and virtually - will be able to explore the English language in all its vigorous complexity across time and geography." Their Web site is www.englishproject.co.uk.

The EP has been harvesting what it calls "kitchen table lingo," previously unheard words that might be used by as few as three people. "If enough other people start to use your words," they announce, "then they could end up in the Oxford English Dictionary!"

MacInnes and other Brit lingoists seem underwhelmed by the Project's discoveries. Residents of the United Kingdom, we learn, have invented many, many words for the telly's remote control. (Just as the Canadians have many descriptive words for underwear, including "gaunch," "gotch," "gitch," and "ginch.") In Britain, "podger," "blipper," "twitcher" and "melly" are just a few of the new names for the remote.

I call our remote "the situation," as in, "hand me the situation, please." This is not the most precise term, because often I am handed a Kleenex, the Economist magazine, or just a beleaguered look. "Do we really need new words for the remote?" MacInnes asks, and one would have to say: No.

More Sarah Palin-dromes!

The contest isn't over yet, as excellent entries continue to find their way to my inbox. (A palindrome is a word or phrase that reads the same backward or forward, the classic example being, "Madam, I'm Adam.")

Serial palindromist George Lovely chips in, "Woe! Dawns Sarah harassn' Wade. Ow!" where Wade refers to Roe v. Wade, of course.

Alison Merrill sent in a serious candidate for world's longest Palin-drome: "'Ah! I made veep.' - S.P. Moody? Baby? Doom? P.S. Peeved am I, ha!"

In contrast, brevity is the soul of Ira Richler's wit: "Peeve: Babe veep."

Bob Treitman sent me "'Hey, did I harass?' Sarah: 'I did, yeh."'

From Hastings, in the United Kingdom, Paul Barlow put down the podger long enough to send in eight, repeat eight, vice-presidential palindromes! On McCain's vice-presidential announcement, he writes, "Avid dog delivers reviled god-diva." On Palin's election as Alaska'a governor, "Hara! She won snow eh? Sarah?"

Brace yourself. There are more.

(The New York Times, Sept 25, 2008)

Hawaii Diary 4

Hawaiian Sovereignity and Nostalgia

Someone once had said me that no group is in majority in Hawaii. All are minority. Surprisingly, Hawaii does not look like a US state. The faces that we see usually are Asian. The physical distance that it maintains with the US mainland is worth noting. And I saw the state a bit more distanced than any other state in the US in many respects.

During the first two weeks of orientation in the East West Center, we had a chance to understand Hawaii in all its manifestations. Prof Aa La Paki of the Hawaii Study Center took us to many places of historical and political significance. Being a native Hawaiian, he speaks with full of pride and admiration about the history and culture in Hawaii. He would not miss to brief us what is going on currently in Hawaii political sphere.

What happened that Friday afternoon was something very embarrassing at least for the US federal government. A Native Hawaiian sovereignty group stormed into the Iolani Palace premises to display their discontent with the US federal government. The palace is in fact the residence of Hawaii's last monarch and is a strong symbol of what the Native Hawaiian call 'nationality'. They displayed some placards that read "Property of the Kingdom of Hawaiian Trust."

I was taken aback to know that there are still some groups who want their Hawaiian Kingdom back. The day was special day for the Native Hawaiians to protest, as it was the day of Hawaii's annexation to the Union. Hawaii is the last state to be annexed in the United States. It was annexed on Aug. 21, 1959.

I asked one Haule, "What do you think are they trying to do with such trifling?" "These guys want their palace back. They feel that their land has been confiscated forcefully. There are about 25 of them; they've got a king and the king wants to sit on the throne."

I came to learn about this new world "Haule" from one of natives. He said Hawaians call the whites, Haule. One Indian friend of mine who is doing his PhD said that the native beat up Haule when they find them walking alone at night. That was scary.

When we were in the palace in one of the orientation days, I met some native Hawaians, they were all giant figured. "Do you think such protests will do some good yo you?" I asked one of them. He said, "We're going to fight as long as we don't get our palace back". He declined to give his name.

What was more surprising was to read a local bulletin distributed by a member of the group. It would read: "Majesty Akahi Nui, the King of Hawaii, has now reoccupied the throne of Hawaii. The Kingdom of Hawaii is now re-enacted." I thought it was making a fiction out of the news.

The so-called new king, Akahi Nui was coronated in 1998 by the native Hawaiians who want to continue with their royal dynasty. I felt pity on them because what they want seemed to me almost impossible. Though there is no hope, the few determined natives are not going to give up. They have long used Iolani Palace -- the site of Queen Liliuokalani's imprisonment following the 1893 US overthrow -- as a prime location for protests against the United States' occupation of the islands. There was similar kind of protests in the past by the Native Hawaians.

One of my friends in the APLP happened to be from the Hawai senate. She works there in the administration of the Senate of Hawaii. She said there is no one in the senate who feels like the way these protesters do. They all are happy with the way they are. There is no thought to secession. I wish I could meet some of the key leaders who are still in what they call "Hawaiian sovereignty movement".

Hawaii Diary 3

Leadership

The day went without pushing hard. I was trying to meet up with Prof Bhawuk at the Shielder College of Business and Management. He is a well-known professor at the University of Hawaii and is a Nepali citizen.

I left my room as soon as I saw his email 'sms'. The Kathmandu hangover would never leave me. I did not bring the campus map and went to his department asking one after another at each bend.

e was more friendly and interesting than what I had imagined. We talked for about one hour and it was really rewarding for me. He inspired me to write, and I decided to follow his advice.

Hawaii Diary 2

Asia Pacific Potluck Leadership (APLP)

The first time I came to kitchen, I was impressed. For the next two days, the nauseating smell kept me hunting, however. One of those days, I had to rush and had not eaten anything from the morning. One of my friends suggested me, "Why don't you cook some stuffs for two three days and keep that in fridge?" That was something strange, "Because I don't feel good at eating things which are stale." I reflected, this could be because we rarely used fridges.

The students at the dorm would cook stuff enough for at least one week or even more and eat that bit by bit every day from the fridge.

We had a what they call "potluck" at the dinner time. That was one of the most impressive things I find in the dorm. Some bunch of people coming together with one item of food from each and eat tasting each others. I must admit, I had potluck almost everyday since then. In fact, I was a bit lazy at cooking and potluck was the best way out. We often have Nepali potluck, Nepali-Indian potluck, Nepali-South Korean potluck and on and on.

The only question I ask is: Does this contain beef and pork?

Hawaii Diary 1

Hawaii Shocks

The first view of Hawaii in the Google Earth really scared me. It looks like a dot in the infinity of pacific, as if a small ocean wave could swipe it away. When for the first time I caught a glimpse of the island through the window of the KE 151, I felt like landing in Kathmandu. The tiny dot in the ocean was in fact a big island, a big city. The plane slowly came closer and closer to the sea sore and flew over the settlements. And there was Hawaii, the tiny spot in the ocean.

The first step outside the air conditioned pathway that led us out of the jet to the custom department was so warm. Though there were hundreds of passengers coming in and going out, we did not have to wait for long, which is something new for a person like me who has experienced lousy bureaucracy rife with corruption and mis management. We were cleared soon enough and checked out. And there was Mike waiting for us outside the terminal. He was in fact sent to pick us by the East West Center.

The room was small but well-furnished. Everything was new for me. Within a couple of days, I was acting like a long time resident. I was however getting different shocks every now and then.

The first impression of the dorm was not so exciting as wherever I go I would smell something very nauseating. I guessed that was the sea food left rotten somewhere in corners. But within two three days I stopped smelling anything like that or may be the smell is no longer stinging to me.

The first day I did not cook. I busied myself in meetings.

10,000 Indian flood victims have entered Nepal for relief: Report

KATHMANDU: Around 10,000 flood victims from India have entered Nepal to seek relief material, being distributed in the Himalayan nation, according to a report. Over 60,000 people have been displaced and 500 industries face closure in Nepal due to spilling of river Saptakoshi.

Facing difficulty in identifying genuine Nepali victims, authorities have asked people to produce recommendation letters from local village development committees to get food and other relief material, the Naya Patrika daily reported.

The daily claimed around 10,000 Indian nationals, who are victims of Koshi flood, have started entering Nepal to get relief materials distributed by Kathmandu.

"Though we can provide Indian flood victims with food and accommodation for few days, yet we encourage them to return to India," Chief Administrator of Sunsari district Durga Prasad Adhikari was quoted as saying.

Meanwhile, devastating flood in the Saptakoshi river has left over 60,000 people displaced and 1,000 missing while inundating 5,000 houses.

The East-West highway in Sunsari-Inaruwa section has been completely blocked forcing people from eastern Nepal to use the Indian route to reach Kathmandu and other parts of the country.

Around 500 industries also face closure after they stopped production owing to the blocked highway. (Times of India)

Asian students learn Hawaiian 'style'

Some 160 new student grantees arrived recently at the East-West Center from about 50 Asian and Pacific countries. Part of their weeklong orientation to studying in Hawaii was a kind of crash course in "local style" living yesterday at the center's outdoor Friendship Circle. To open the program, participants gathered in a "yurt circle," grasping arms and alternately leaning back and forward, trusting each other to hold them up. Kamal Raj Sigdel of NEpal, Asal Baragchizadeh of Iran, left, Riana Agnesia of Indonesia and Dolores Cui Tongco of the Philippines took part.

Protestors occupy grounds of Hawaiian palace

HONOLULU _ For the second time this year, a Native Hawaiian sovereignty group has taken over the grounds of Iolani Palace, residence of Hawaii's last monarch.

About a dozen men, wearing red shirts with "security" stenciled in yellow on the back, locked the gates of the landmark Friday evening and posted no trespassing signs that read: "Property of the Kingdom of Hawaiian Trust."

The action came on Admission Day, a state holiday marking Hawaii's admission to the Union on Aug. 21, 1959.

Kippen de Alba Chu, executive director of the Friends of Iolani Palace, told The Honolulu Advertiser by phone that he and other staff members were "in lockdown" in the palace and a nearby administration building.

"These guys are threatening to go in the palace," Chu said. "There's about 25 of them. They've got a king and the king wants to sit on the throne."

Television station KITV quoted an unidentified palace spokesperson as saying security personnel were guarding the palace, while staff locked themselves in the administration building. The Advertiser reported people on the grounds were later allowed to get to their cars.

Calls to the police department spokeswoman were not immediately returned.

"We're going to be here for a while. Four days, five days, a week. A while. As long as it takes," one of the men posting the signs told the Advertiser. He declined to give his name.

An "occupation public information bulletin" distributed by a member of the group began: "Majesty Akahi Nui, the King of Hawaii, has now reoccupied the throne of Hawaii. The Kingdom of Hawaii is now re-enacted."

Akahi Nui claims to have been coronated in 1998.

Hawaiian activists have long used Iolani Palace, the site of Queen Liliuokalani's imprisonment following the 1893 U.S. overthrow, as a prime location for protests against the United States' occupation of the islands.

Another group, the Hawaiian Kingdom Government, occupied the palace grounds April 30.

INTERVIEW with OSAMU UNO, Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan

Our support is for democracy and stability

Osamu UNO, 61, Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan, was in Nepal on a three-day official visit. Son of the late Sosuke UNO, former Prime Minister of Japan, Osamu was once the executive secretary to his father when he was Prime Minister of Japan. A second time member of the House of Representatives from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Japan, UNO, is also the director of the Committee on Environment and member of the Special Committee on Prevention of International Terrorism and Japan's Cooperation and Support for Humanitarian Assistance for Reconstruction in Iraq.

During his three-day busy schedule, he called on the leaders of main political parties and signed agreements with the government, among others, on improving the Kathmandu-Bhaktapur road which will be funded by Japan. Before his departure, UNO took out time, on Thursday evening, to speak with Puran P Bista and Kamal Raj Sigdel of The Kathmandu Post on issues concerning Nepal-Japan relations, economic cooperation, and its future policy on changed Nepali context. UNO, who is hopeful about the political development taking place in Nepal, says the future activities of the Maoists will decide whether Japan will continue its support to a Maoist-led government.

Excerpts:

Q: What is the purpose of your visit?

UNO: I have come here as a representative of the Japanese government to congratulate the government of Nepal. The first achievement of Nepal is that it has successfully held the Constituent Assembly elections. And the next one is that a new government is soon going to be formed.

Besides, the next important purpose of my visit is to convey a message that the Japanese support will continue even after the new government is formed.

Today (Friday) afternoon we had an agreement. The government of Japan is supporting Nepal to construct a four-lane road from Kathmandu to Bhaktapur. This would be the first gift of the government of Japan to Nepal after the formation of a new government.

In the first two days of my visit to Nepal, I have met many political leaders, and in each meeting, I have stressed only one thing that Nepal needs stability and a sustainable peace. I have heard that a new president and vice-president would be soon elected. I wish that to happen as early as possible and hope Nepal will soon establish a sustainable peace and stability. This is what I conveyed to Nepali leaders in my meetings.

Q: You have spoken of continuing support to Nepal. Does that mean Japan will continue its support even if the Maoists form the next government?

UNO: I believe the new government will be formed following due democratic processes and by the democratically elected CA representatives. Japan will accept the government which is formed democratically by the people's representatives elected through free and fair elections. I have been repeating this in all the meetings with the Nepali leaders that the constitution is such a thing which should be very democratic and even after the formation of new government we need to move ahead democratically. And all should make a collective effort toward that.

Q: This means you are satisfied with the Maoist performance. How do you assess the human rights records of the Maoists?

UNO: The problems associated with the Maoists are Nepal's domestic issues. Japan as an external force has no intention to interfere on that. In the future, I hope the Maoists change gradually and embrace democratic values.

Q: Does that mean if Japan is not convinced, or if the Maoists don't change, Japanese support to Nepal will be discontinued?

UNO: I cannot say that now without seeing what is going to happen in the days to come. But now, I am returning with a hope that the Maoists will change.

Q: Nepal-Japan relations have been very cordial and long one. Until recently both were kingdoms. And the bilateral relations at the level of royal families of both the countries were something very special. How do you assess Nepal's decision to go republic?

UNO: Until Nepal was a kingdom, Nepal-Japan relations were really strong. But after the 2001 royal massacre, a change is discernible on Nepali people's perception about the palace. In the past 5 or 6 years, Nepalis witnessed historic changes. In April 2008, the Nepali people themselves held the historic CA election, which was a big success. Nepal has been moving ahead democratically, and there are people's representatives, so we would like to respect the process.

Q: How will Japan support Nepal in the post-conflict days?

Uno: It is not that Japan could say it would support for this or that. After the formation of a new government based on what sorts of demand it makes, Japan will see and decide. The objective of Japan's international economic support is not just to continue it. Its objective is to make the reviving countries self-reliant. This should not be forgotten. For example, Japan's ODA is also directed toward that objective … toward how Nepal's economy can improve.

For instance, with the Japanese support the Kathmandu-Bhaktapur road will be upgraded to a four-lane highway from the current two-double road. This will help people transport products to Kathmandu easily. After the construction of the wider road, the people will not have to face any traffic jam; they could also save fuel and time. This will certainly help develop the economy and benefit the areas.

Q: Nepal and Japan are working on a deal to send industrial trainees to Japan. What progress has been made so far?

UNO: Nepal requested Japan to take in Nepalis as industrial trainees for vocational training in Japan. As one of the well-wishers of this country, Japan also accepted that. The objective is to help capacitate Nepalis who would return to Nepal after completing their vocational training in Japan. Japan has no policy to use these trainees as manpower there. This is also a kind of support to a developing country like Nepal.

Q: When will this start?

UNO: Today afternoon we heard that the FNCCI interviewed six women to send them as trainees to textile industries in Japan. So this has already started.

Q: Was there no such training in the past?

Uno: No, this one is the first of its kind.

Q: Will Japan be able to give trade preference to Nepal? If so, what sorts of items will Nepal export to Japan?

UNO: Japan has not thought about any quota for now. Neither has it decided which product to import from Nepal. You too might have heard about the campaign called "one village one product". But this is also misunderstood. People think that this "one village one product" project is to export products directly to Japan. That is not true. The objective of the project is to exchange products in local markets and help boost the local economy. There is a need for promoting this "one village one product" concept in Nepal at the beginning. Then only can we think of exporting the products in foreign courtiers. This is a suitable campaign for Nepal. So what we suggest is, Nepal should first promote the product in domestic market and then in the international market. That will be better. In the future if this goes on flourishing, we will think of even bigger projects similar to this but it depends also on Nepal and on how it presents itself to Japan.

Q: How can Nepal attract FDI from Japan? What type of policy Nepal should take to attract Japanese investors?

Uno: When it comes to trade relations, what is important is peace and stability. Without this nothing can progress. And provided this is achieved, if Nepal likes to develop trade relations with Japan, it has to produce the quality that Japan likes. What is the level or quality of products produced in Japan? Nepal should also try to reach that level and if such things are taken into consideration, Nepal-Japan trade relations could flourish. It is not that Nepal can send anything and Japan accepts them without any hesitation.

Q: I mean Nepal has a huge potential for foreign investors. Japanese investors could be interested in investing in different potential sectors, for instance in hydropower, in Nepal. So what could Nepal do to capitalize on this potential?

UNO: Of course, Nepal is rich in water resources. But now there is no such environment to deicide on this because the new government is yet to be formed. Who will look after water resources sector? Once these things are decided, it could be easier to say something on this. But for that, first the government should be stable.

In my meeting with the prime minister also the issue of hydropower dam was raised. But constructing dam for hydropower projects is a very costly business, which is not possible with grant support alone. Loan is an alternative but it is difficult because Nepal will have to return it. So now I cannot say anything about this.

Regarding suggestions on FDI, Japan can never say what you need to do regarding foreign policy. The past experiences show that Japan itself sees the attraction in certain country and goes there to invest. And there are also some examples where the government of the host countries make an appeal to the Japanese government and the Japanese investors may be attracted. So once it is stable and peace is institutionalized, Nepal can send its trade- related people to Japan to show the possibilities and potentials and attract investors.

Q: Japan has been world's best producer of renewable energy technologies (RETs). How could Nepal move for technology transfer in the renewable energy sector? There have been some activities in this sector through JICA (Japan International Cooperation Agency), but this seems to be limited to some small-scale projects. Do you see any possibility for any large-scale programs in the energy sector?

UNO: JICA has both big and small grants in operation. In small grants, JICA is supporting solar panels, micro hydro and other renewable technologies at the local areas. We can also build large-scale renewable energy projects, for instance a big solar energy plant, which could supply power to a large area like Kathmandu. But that demands big investments, which may not meet the criteria of the JICA. Such projects could be done through loan. But when it comes to loan, it will be a problem for Nepal. [July 21, 2008, TKP]

INTERVIEW with French Ambassador to Nepal

'Nepal needs real and deep devolution of powers'

We have French ambassador Gilles-Henri Garault as our guest for this week's interview. A few days before Bastille Day, the national day of France which is celebrated on July 14, Puran P Bista and Kamal Raj Sigdel of The Kathmandu Post caught up with him to discuss Nepal-France relations in the changed political context.

Garault, who was special advisor to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs before assuming the current post, is a PhD in history and archaeology. He has served as second counsellor at the French Embassy in Madrid, as counsellor at the cabinet of the speaker of the National Assembly looking after European and international affairs, as deputy director at the Department for Economic and Financial Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, special counsellor of the Minister for Civil Service, State Reforms and Territorial Planning and as head of the cabinet of the State Minister for State Reforms. Garault was also an associate professor at the Institute for Political Studies of Paris.

As a diplomat who has also written several books on economics, international relations and history, Garault says Nepal can attract French investment and joint ventures in different potential areas such as hydropower, agro businesses and even waste management. Excerpts:

Q: How have Nepal-France relations evolved?

Garault: We have very good relations with Nepal. We have had permanent relations with this country since 1949. We had the first diplomatic mission in 1933. In fact, we are the second country after the United Kingdom to set up diplomatic relations with Nepal.

If you ask about the relations from a political point of view, our relations have been of very low intensity during the last 10 years. We didn't have contacts with very high level people here because of the decade-long Maoist insurgency, the massacre and so forth.

Q: In what areas were Nepal-France relations concentrated in the past?

Garault: In the past, that is in the 1960s, we helped the Nepal Army in training. We also provided them with some French helicopters and other vehicles. But after the 2001 royal massacre, nobody understands what is happening; it is like a black hole. So now we are trying to understand; we are trying to improve relations. But if you ask me if we have some very important strategic and geopolitical interest in Nepal, the answer is NO. We don't. We are not Chinese; we are not Indians. We are not British. We have fruitful relations but of low intensity.

Q: Will there be any change in France's approach once the Maoists form the government?

Garault: I think there will be no special approach, no real change towards the new government to be formed or led by the Maoists. Maoism is not a disability, it's a political current which won the last CA elections quite free and fair. France respects the choice of the Nepali people. Now the Maoists have to show their political will and competency to improve the condition of Nepal's people, and to handle the government. But why shouldn't they be able to lead and govern this country? I think the CPN (Maoist) is a very structured party and have competent leaders and cadres. France is quite confident, and we will see the concrete results of the new government.

Q: What is your analysis of Nepal's underdevelopment? What do you think are the key factors affecting the country's development?

Garault: It is a very interesting question, but difficult to answer in brief. Nepal is suffering from certain handicaps, which explain its poor economic performance. I think the most important factor is the poor level of education and training connected with the demographic issue. The manpower is not skilled enough. The literacy rate is still lower than 50 percent. It is a big challenge if you consider the fast growing population. It also explains why it is so difficult to provide jobs to the 300,000 newcomers arriving each year on the labor market. There is also a problem of rural exodus from the countryside to urban areas due to lack of job opportunities, which finaly gathers jobless people in congested areas. This situation led more than one million Nepalis to leave for other countries in search of jobs.

The second prominent factor is the geographical situation of Nepal, a landlocked country enclosed between two growing giants, China and India. The 10 years of civil war had also a great effect, but I think Nepal can easily and successfully face this situation as Cambodia has done in the last few years.

Lastly, Nepal's underdevelopment is also a result of its competitive positioning. Industries are insufficient and not competitive enough. Poor industries are lowering the progress of Nepal in the international stage. Firms suffer from a serious lack of infrastructure and power. On top of that, they depend on imports for nearly all the raw materials and, above all, petrol. That's why you note this increasing trade gap.

Concerning agriculture, this sector still depends on the weather, which is becoming more and more unstable in the context of global warming. The fragility of agriculture goes along with the inefficiency of agricultural methods and infrastructure leading the sector to absorb 80 percent of the workers while producing only 33 percent of the GDP. Land reform organized in partnership with competent organizations and structured around educational programs could be set up. Also, with reinforced structures of maintaining stocks, Nepal could anticipate and handle more efficiently any food crisis.

Q: You have been heading the European Commission in Nepal. How is the EU thinking of carrying out its activities in Nepal in the changing context? What role will it play in Nepal's post-conflict transition?

Garault: I think the changing context of Nepal will not induce the EU to change deeply its strategy in Nepal. Last year, the EU adopted a new country strategy for Nepal for the period 2007-13 with a budget of 120 million euros (US$ 190 million). The priorities are known: education, stability and peace building, trade facilitation and economic capacity building. The action of the EU fits into this framework. Education is certainly the first priority in Nepal. That is why it will account for 60 percent of the allocation. We must improve enrolment, quality and access to education, especially for girls, the poor and minorities.

Concerning the EU's role in the post-conflict transition of Nepal, we have already incorporated all the issues of the post-conflict environment. The EU monitoring mission for the election to the CA, consisting of more than 100 people, was a significant sign of our support for stability and peace building in Nepal. The EU will continue to support the current peace process, political dialogue, social challenges and drastic changes in the political situation. Nepal is undergoing deep political and constitutional changes. The country has conducted the elections successfully, and a new republic has been proclaimed. The peace agreement is on the right track, and the EU will remain the first partner of Nepal. We are confident in the future of this country.

But the EU's main priority in Nepal is reducing poverty (Nepal is still the poorest country in Asia) by promoting sustainable development and economic growth.

Q: Some political parties, for instance the Maoists, are speaking of the French model of federal government. What would that mean in Nepal's context? Would it be a suitable model for us too?

Garault: We heard, indeed, about this interest in the French constitutional model and our political system. And we are happy to know that. But let me give some more details about the French model. It is anything except a federal government. France has been a centralized state for almost 1,500 years. During the last 25 years, we have made several important constitutional changes in order to promote local powers. Now the three levels of local government – municipalities, districts and regions – have been entrusted with important responsibilities like local development, social policy, transport and infrastructure.

But we are still far from a federal model. There is no real autonomy. Our model is, therefore, different from the full-fledged federal systems found in Germany, India and the United States. Constitutional changes were made for the devolution of power. We have a strong central government with a mixed system: presidential, with a president directly elected by the people and assuming real powers; parliamentary, with a national assembly elected by the people, and a prime minister accountable to parliament but, at the same time, politically responsible to the president. This system is quite unique and has promoted, during the last 50 years, political stability and efficiency of the executive.

I don't now if this model is suitable for Nepal. But I am sure that Nepal needs, above all, real and deep devolution of powers, giving more efficiency to the local authorities. The debate on autonomy is just a political and ideological issue. After 250 years of strong centralization, this country needs a strong, efficient and permanent presence of the administration and the state at the local level. France will continue to stand with Nepal in unity and solidarity. They are the main guarantees of progress for Nepal and are very important values.

Q: Why is France directing most of its support to Francophone countries instead of underdeveloped countries like Nepal which were not former French colonies?

Garault: We assumed this choice. As you know, France is one of the top donors in the world, giving out around 9 billion euros (US$ 14 billion) representing 0.45 percent of our GDP in aid. Bilateral aid accounts for 70 percent of our Pubic Aid to Development, and 30 percent goes through European and multilateral channels. Concerning bilateral aid, France has made the choice to concentrate financial assistance to a limited number of countries. The SPZ (Special Priority Zone) includes 55 Least Developed Countries, 43 of which are African. France allocates 70 percent of its bilateral aid to Africa and an additional 12 percent to the Middle East. Only four Asian countries, all former French territories, belong to the SPZ.

Asia gets only 8 percent of French bilateral aid given to Developing Countries. We are thinking enlarging the concentration of our bilateral aid. We don't believe in the efficiency of scattering aid that leads to sprinkling of resources. That is why in 2007 the EU adopted a code of conduct in order to target certain countries and to share the efforts. France is, therefore, targeting more countries in Africa than elsewhere.

However, France is one of the big donors in Nepal. In terms of the EU countries, France is the second biggest benefactor after Germany. Out of every million euros spent by the EU in Nepal, 200,000 euros are given by France.

Q: What could be the areas of interest for prospective French investors in Nepal?

Garault: We are arranging a business trip for French companies next October. It was postponed due to the unfavorable political situation in Nepal. We have planned to hold it at the end of July. This could hopefully be a fruitful trip to draw the interest of French investors to Nepal.

We think there are some possibilities for investment in hydropower. This is our first priority in Nepal. We could make a huge investment in Nepal the way we did in Laos and some other countries. In Laos, we have constructed a 1500 MW hydel project, twice as big as the Seti project. We made turbine engines for the Three Gorges dam in China. We have the world's largest electric companies. So it is relatively huge. For instance, France generates 25 percent of Europe's entire electricity supply. We are also thinking of investing in the Himalaya with local partners and buyers.

We are also interested in aeronautics. We sent three small aircraft to Buddha Air. We may have an interest in waste management in Kathmandu.

Q: If the government shows an interest in waste management, will French companies come over here?

Garault: We have the best companies in waste management. Some of them are doing waste management in Shanghai and other big Chinese cities. So for us, waste management in Kathmandu is nothing. But the main problem for us is who is going to be our partner? Kathmandu Metropolitan City [KMC] doesn't even exist.

Q: Have you had any discussions about this?

Garault: I don't have any information about that. We are preparing a report on garbage management in Kathmandu. We will send that to French companies who are involved in waste management. Maybe one of them will be interested.

But we have a lot of problems here. We have problems of garbage storage and we have a lot of strikes. So we have to change the system completely. Waste management in Kathmandu has been a complete failure. Some tourists I have met say, "Oh my God, how is it possible?"

We are also interested in agro business because we have the most modern agro-based companies, particularly in terms of modernized markets, storage, commercialization and the like.

If you talk of export, Nepal's competitive position is not good. Its exports have been limited to pashmina and handicraft. Nepal must find new products. Items like coffee, tea, medicinal herbs, herbs for perfumes and the like could be the new products to export from Nepal.

The normalization of oral sex

Oral is normal

The normalization of oral sex.

By William Saletan

Every day, thousands of parents sit down with their children to talk about the facts of life. They want their kids to know how babies are made, how serious sex is, and how they can protect themselves. For most of us, the topic is awkward enough without getting into advanced stuff. That's why the coverage of President Clinton's blow jobs felt like such a cultural assault. We just want to stick to the basics.

Well, you can kiss that era of innocence goodbye. I'm not talking about your kids' innocence. I'm talking about yours. For your information, Mom and Dad, oral sex is now more basic than vaginal sex. That may not be part of God's or nature's plan. But according to survey data, it's a fact of life.

The latest evidence comes from "Noncoital Sexual Activities Among Adolescents," a study published in the July issue of the Journal of Adolescent Health. The study analyzed the US government's first survey of such practices, conducted in 2002 and released three years later. When the data first came out, I chided the media for ignoring the findings of widespread anal sex. Don't worry: I'll spare you that topic today. What's interesting in the new analysis is the correlation between oral and vaginal sex. If your kid is doing one, he or she is almost certainly doing the other.

The raw numbers indicate that 50 percent of teenagers aged 15 to 19 have had vaginal sex. Fifty-five percent have had heterosexual oral sex. Are kids substituting oral for vaginal? Nope. Among technical virgins—teens who have never had vaginal sex—23 percent have had oral sex. That number sounds high until you notice that among nonvirgins, the oral-sex figure is 87 percent. If your teenager has had "basic" sex without somebody's mouth being involved, congratulations. You're probably the only such household on your block.

The data on timing underscore this connection. Among teens whose first vaginal sex happened less than six months before the survey, 82 percent admit to oral sex. That figure barely increases for teens who began vaginal sex three years before the survey. In other words, teens lost their oral virginity at around the same time they lost their vaginal virginity. If you think your daughter is going to learn the basics now and the advanced stuff later, you've got another thing coming.

Look at the data for older adults, and you'll see similar patterns. At ages 20 to 24, the percentage who admit to oral sex trails the percentage who admit to vaginal sex by around five points. (A study of Georgia college students, published last year, produced similar numbers: 96 percent of those who had lost their vaginal virginity had also lost their oral virginity.) At ages 25 to 44, the gap is around eight points. If anything, these numbers understate the prevalence of oral sex, since they're based on self-reporting. The discomfort most of us feel around this topic surely affects some survey responses, even with guaranteed anonymity.

The near-disappearance of lifetime oral virginity makes sodomy laws fairly ridiculous. The percentage of Americans aged 25 to 44 who deny ever having had oral sex now barely exceeds the percentage who admit to same-sex activity. By empirical standards, if gay sex is deviant, so is chastity of the mouth. Indeed, there's some evidence that what's vanishing isn't oral abstinence—which perhaps never really existed—but stigma. That's the implication of a decadelong Australian college study, published three years ago, which showed a significant increase in female, but not male, admission of oral activity.

So cheer up, Mom and Dad. You don't have to be embarrassed any more about discussing the facts of life with your child. She'll be happy to explain them to you.

-Slate

Body Painting

Body Painting, fashion is gaining popularity among teens.

Interview with Dr Bhagawan Koirala

'We don't turn away patients because they don't have money'

This week's guest for our Monday Interview is Dr Bhagwan Koirala, 45, executive director and senior consultant cardiac surgeon at Shahid Ganga Lal National Heart Center. He is an acclaimed heart surgeon well known in all South Asia. An MD from Kharkov Medical Institute, Ukraine, Dr Koirala played a key role in bringing the Heart Center to its present enviable position. The hospital has 150 beds and is equipped with all modern technologies to perform major heart operations. It has also been providing free and affordable heart care services, which are otherwise very expensive, to an ever increasing number of poor and deserving patients. In the last year alone, his team at the hospital saw more than 70,000 outpatients, did 1,200 cardiovascular operations and 2,500 cath procedures. There were more than 5,000 in-patient admissions.

Dr Koirala spoke to Kamal Raj Sigdel of The Kathmandu Post on different issues ranging from the hospital's welfare schemes to the future of Nepal's public health care system. Excerpts:

Q: Where do you see Nepal's public health care system in the next 10 years?

Dr Koirala: There are a number of possible scenarios. It will largely depend on how politics evolves. It seems that social welfare is going to be strengthened. Many state-sponsored health care delivery systems will be established, and similar other social welfare programs launched. In the health sector, I believe that we will have more free access to health care for poor people. There will be some sort of health insurance policy implemented in the next 10 years.

Q: What progress will we see in the treatment of heart disease, particularly at this hospital?

Dr Koirala: Progress in this particular field is an evolutionary progress. We now have all the basic infrastructure providing cardiac care in this country. Obviously, it is not enough. We have to improve the quality of service, and we have to expand into different geographical areas of the country, and we also have to go for research and do more training and teaching programs. And I think that is what is going to happen in the next five to 10 years in this institute.

Q: What sort of welfare schemes does this hospital offer to poor patients?

Dr Koirala: The government demonstrated appropriate responsibility by supporting this institute to provide free cardiac care to poor children below 15 years of age. This has been in place for the last two years. It has been a highly successful and satisfying program. We've given service to hundreds, if not thousands, of poor children under this scheme. We have also started giving free cardiac treatment to senior citizens over 75 years of age. And we have a rule to provide over 100 free valves to poor patients annually.

Q: How do you identify poor and deserving patients? I mean, how transparent is the process of selecting patients for these free services?

Dr Koirala: There is a transparent mechanism for selecting them. There are criteria for selection. There is a committee to look into it. They recommend the names to me. Obviously, the doctors make the initial recommendation, but then there is an administrative mechanism to screen the potential beneficiaries. The selection cannot be done personally, it's all formal applications, formal selection process, formal approval, and it's notified publicly. In general, I have been very satisfied with the selection process.

Q: What are you doing to expand these free services?

Dr Koirala: Besides the aforesaid three major welfare schemes, we also provide free patient care for those who cannot pay. For example, 20 percent of the hospital beds have been declared free for poor people. All the costs, including hospital fees and lab services except medicines, are free for patients occupying these beds. Apart from this, the hospital has been making other efforts. And there are groups who raise money for donating to this institute for patients like these because they trust us. A group of 180 managers have each been collecting Rs 1,000 every month for the hospital.

Q: Who are they?

Dr Koirala: They are managers and executives of different levels. They volunteered after they saw what we were doing. They call themselves "Sahayog Group".

Q: Are they part of the hospital's mechanism to raise funds?

Dr Koirala: No. They are a group of people who have volunteered to help our patients. We call them whenever some patient is stuck without enough money. There are also other groups who sometimes come to help.

Q: What is the trend of patients coming to this hospital for treatment? Do you accept all of them?

Dr Koirala: We do. When we started these welfare schemes, the number of patients, particularly children, coming to us rose suddenly. This is good news. The people know that there is a state system to help them. The number of patients coming from the far west, remote areas and Madhes and Dalit groups rose manifold. And this category constitutes about two-thirds of the beneficiaries who receive this subsidy. That is a great help.

Q: Are you handling all these patients?

Dr Koirala: We are struggling to provide services to all those who come to us. We don't want to turn away anybody because of patient volume or money.

Q: Have there been cases of patients being turned away for technical reasons or due to lack of certain machines, for instance?

Dr Koirala: No, we don't turn away any patient for such reasons. Also, we don't refuse treatment to patients just because they don't have money. We try to find resources for them.

Q: So you have all kinds of facilities to deal with all sorts of heart diseases?

Dr Koirala: We have facilities to deal with most heart diseases. I cannot say "all of them" because that does not happen anywhere in the world. Some American centers do close to all, but not all of them. Most of them do little less than that. Japanese hospitals provide most kinds of services, but not some operations which are done in America. So that is a very relative term.

Q: Do you think the quality of this hospital matches international standards?

Dr Koirala: We have to define what we mean by international standards. By and large, we provide most of the services at par with most regional centers. We cannot match the best centers of the world. But we have to look at the regional standard, the South Asian standard rather than American standards.

Q: Of late, private operators have been entering the hospital sector. How do you analyze this?

Dr Koirala: Private institutions are important for health care delivery. But there are many issues which need to be dealt with first. They are about the practice of allowing [medical] institutions [to operate] without an accreditation system, quality control, declaration of their social responsibility and constant monitoring. And obviously, there is a huge problem with the substandard quality of training provided at private institutions. These are serious issues the government has to look into.

Q: Do you think there is a need for policy reform in the health sector?

Dr Koirala: That is what we are talking about. There are lots of things which I would rather say to policymakers face-to-face than letting them hear it through the media. But I would like to speak at least one sentence here publicly. I have strong opinions about rationalizing the establishment of new academic institutions. They are big institutions, and that needs to be justified by local needs and the needs of the inhabitants rather than business people's needs or professionals' needs.

Q: There are some new ideas that the health sector could be developed as an export-oriented sector where Nepal could have comparative advantages.

Dr Koirala: It is happening by default. It was not planned like it was in Bangladesh, for example, where the government planned to produce more doctors with the intention of exporting them. Medical professionals were not created in Nepal with that goal. There is a huge exodus of medical professionals to foreign countries. Not just doctors, large numbers of nurses are going abroad too.

Q: I don't mean exporting health professionals but developing health tourism and the like.

Dr Koirala: That is the key. That would be a good business for us. There is a lot of talk about it now. Americans are spending billions of dollars on medical care abroad. Why can't we get a share of that market? We could if we had good medical services. But it's not just about one thing. The security situation has to improve, and the political situation has to settle down. Then there is the problem of adequate air connections. If we can build good institutions, which is possible, I see a lot of our people coming back over the next five or 10 years. Right now they say that they have no place to work here. Our challenge is to create an environment where they can work. Another thing is that if we can provide services of standard quality and have good networking internationally, we can attract many medical care seekers as they are doing in Thailand, India, Singapore and Malaysia.

Q: Health insurance is not very well organized here. Who do you think should do it? Should this be left to the private sector alone?

Dr Koirala: There should be involvement of both the government and the private sector. The state could run health insurance programs for marginalized and poor people. They could have non-governmental organizations organize insurance schemes in which the government pays the premium for the poor.

The private sector is not doing it because they fear that they will suffer massive losses. I agree with them for two reasons. Health care has not reached a level where insurance companies can promise their clients a full range of services. People will pay only if they can get assurances that they will get all the services. Second, there are many cases of malpractice in which patients and medical professionals have been involved. They falsified documents, wrote wrong prescriptions and forged bills. These malpractices have to be stopped.

And we are yet to develop a culture of health insurance. You have to start paying now if you want to secure your health in your old age. At this point in time, there has to be a combination of government and private sector initiatives. (TKP, July 6, 2008)

Look and Gaze

Pages